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Burmese language

Burmese
မြန်မာစာ (written Burmese)
မြန်မာစကား (spoken Burmese)
Pronunciation IPA:  or IPA: 
Native to Burma
Region Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore
Ethnicity Bamar people
Native speakers
33 million  (2007)[1]
Second language: 10 million
Early forms
Burmese script
Burmese Braille
Official status
Official language in
 Burma
Regulated by Myanmar Language Commission
Language codes
ISO 639-1 my
ISO 639-2 bur (B)
mya (T)
ISO 639-3 myainclusive code
Individual codes:
int – Intha
tvn – Tavoyan
tco – Dawei (Taungyo)
rki – Rakhine ("Arakanese")
rmz – Marma ("Burmese")
Glottolog sout3159[2]
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The Burmese language (Burmese: မြန်မာဘာသာ pronounced: [3] MLCTS: myanma bhasa) is the official language of Burma. Burmese is the native language of the Bamar and related sub-ethnic groups of the Bamar, as well as that of some ethnic minorities in Burma like the Mon.

Burmese is spoken by 32 million as a first language and as a second language by 10 million, particularly ethnic minorities in Burma and those in neighboring countries. (Although the Constitution of Burma officially recognizes the English name of the language as the Myanmar language,[4] most English speakers continue to refer to the language as Burmese.)

Burmese is a tonal, pitch-register, and syllable-timed language,[5] largely monosyllabic and analytic language, with a subject–object–verb word order. It is a member of the Lolo-Burmese grouping of the Sino-Tibetan language family. The language uses a Brahmic script called the Burmese script.

Contents

  • Classification 1
    • Dialects 1.1
      • Irrawaddy River valley 1.1.1
      • Outside the Irrawaddy basin 1.1.2
  • Registers 2
  • Vocabulary 3
  • Phonology 4
    • Consonants 4.1
    • Vowels 4.2
    • Tones 4.3
    • Syllable structure 4.4
  • Alphabet 5
  • Grammar 6
    • Adjectives 6.1
    • Verbs 6.2
    • Nouns 6.3
      • Numerical classifiers 6.3.1
    • 6.4 Particles
    • Pronouns 6.5
      • Family terms 6.5.1
    • Reduplication 6.6
  • Romanization and transcription 7
  • Computer fonts and standard keyboard layout 8
  • Notes 9
  • References 10
  • Further reading 11
  • External links 12

Classification

Burmese belongs to the Southern Burmish branch of the Sino-Tibetan languages. Burmese is the most widely spoken of the non-Sinitic Sino-Tibetan languages.[6] Burmese was the fourth of the Sino-Tibetan languages to develop a writing system, after Chinese characters, the Tibetan alphabet and the Tangut script.[6]

Dialects

The majority of Burmese speakers, who live throughout the Irrawaddy River Valley, use a number of largely uniform dialects, while a minority speak non-standard dialects found in the peripheral areas of the country. These dialects include:

Arakanese (Rakhine) in Rakhine State and Marma in Bangladesh are also sometimes considered dialects of Burmese and sometimes as separate languages.

Despite vocabulary and pronunciation differences, there is mutual intelligibility among Burmese dialects, as for the most part, they share the same four tones, consonant clusters and the use of the Burmese script. However, several dialects substantially differ in Burmese with respect to vocabulary, lexical particles, and rhymes.

Irrawaddy River valley

The standard dialect of Burmese (the Mandalay-Yangon dialect continuum) comes from the Irrawaddy River valley. Regional differences between speakers from Upper Burma (e.g., Mandalay dialect), called anya tha အညာသား, and speakers from Lower Burma (e.g., Yangon dialect), called auk tha အောက်သား, occur in vocabulary choice, not in pronunciation. Minor pronunciation differences do exist within the Irrawaddy River valley. For instance, for the term ဆွမ်း "food offering [to a monk]", Lower Burmese speakers use [sʰʊ́ɴ] instead of [sʰwáɴ], which is used in Upper Burma.

The standard dialect is represented by the Yangon dialect, because of the city's media influence and economic clout. In the past, the Mandalay dialect represented standard Burmese. The most noticeable feature of the Mandalay dialect is its use of the first person pronoun ကျွန်တော် kya.nau for both males and females, whereas in Yangon, the said pronoun is used only by males, while ကျွန်မ kya.ma. is used by females. Moreover, with regard to kinship terminology, Upper Burmese speakers differentiate the maternal and paternal sides of a family whereas Lower Burmese speakers do not.

Spoken Burmese is remarkably uniform among Burmese speakers,[7] particularly those living in the Irrawaddy River valley, who all use variants of Standard Burmese. The first major reason for the uniformity is the traditional Burmese Buddhist monastic education system, which encouraged education and uniformity in language throughout the Upper Irrawaddy valley, the traditional homeland of the Burmans.[8][9] Secondly, the migration of Burmese speakers (of Bamar descent) to Lower Burma is relatively recent. As late as the mid-1700s, Mon was the principal language of Lower Burma. After the Burmese-speaking Konbaung Dynasty's victory over the Mon-speaking Restored Hanthawaddy Kingdom in 1757, the shift to the Burmese language began throughout Lower Burma. By 1830, an estimated 90% of the population in the region identified themselves as Burman (and as such, Burmese speakers) due the influx of Burmese speakers from Upper Burma, assimilation, and intermarriage.[10] In the British colonial era, British incentives, particularly geared toward rice production, as well as political instability in Upper Burma, accelerated this migration.

Outside the Irrawaddy basin

More distinctive non-standard dialects emerge as one moves farther away from the Irrawaddy River valley toward peripheral areas of the country. These dialects include Yaw, Palaw, Merguese (Myeik), Tavoyan (Dawei), Intha, Danu, Arakanese (Rakhine) and Marma. Despite substantial vocabulary and pronunciation differences, there is mutual intelligibility among most Burmese dialects.

The most pronounced feature of the Arakanese (Rakhine) is its retention of the sound, which has become a sound in standard Burmese. Also, Arakanese features a variety of vowel differences, including the merger of the and vowels. Hence, a word like "blood" သွေး is pronounced in standard Burmese and in Arakanese.

Dialects in Tanintharyi Region, including Palaw, Merguese and Tavoyan, are especially conservative in comparison to Standard Burmese. The Tavoyan and Intha dialects have preserved the /l/ medial, which is otherwise only found in Old Burmese inscriptions. They also often reduce the intensity of the glottal stop. Merguese has 250,000 speakers while Tavoyan has 400,000 speakers.[11][12]

Registers

Burmese is a diglossic language with two distinguishable registers (or diglossic varieties):[13]

  1. Literary High (H) form[14] (မြန်မာစာ mranma ca): the high variety (formal and written), used in literature (formal writing), newspapers, radio broadcasts, and formal speeches
  2. Spoken Low (L) form[14] (မြန်မာစကား mranma ca.ka:): the low variety (informal and spoken), used in daily conversation, television, comics and literature (informal writing)

The literary form of Burmese retains archaic and conservative grammatical structures and modifiers (including particles, markers and pronouns) no longer used in the colloquial form.[13] In most cases, the corresponding grammatical markers in the literary and spoken forms are totally unrelated to each other.[15] Examples of this phenomenon include the following lexical items:

  • "this" (pronoun): HIGH iLOW ဒီ di
  • "that" (pronoun): HIGH ထို htuiLOW ဟို hui
  • "at" (postposition): HIGH hnai. LOW မှာ hma
  • plural (marker): HIGH များ mya:LOW တွေ twe
  • possessive (marker): HIGH i.LOW ရဲ့ re.
  • "and" (conjunction): HIGH နှင့် hnang.LOW နဲ့ ne.
  • "if" (conjunction): HIGH လျှင် hlyangLOW ရင် rang

In the mid-1960s, some Burmese writers, who asserted that the vernacular, spoken form ought to be used, spearheaded efforts to abandon the literary form, which was historically the preferred form of written Burmese, as "the spoken style lacks gravity, authority, dignity."[16][17] Some Burmese linguists such as Minn Latt, a Czech academic, proposed moving away from the high form of Burmese altogether.[18] Although the literary form is heavily used in written contexts (literary and scholarly works, radio news broadcasts, and novels), the recent trend has been to accommodate the spoken form in informal written contexts.[19] Nowadays, television news broadcasts, comics, and commercial publications use the spoken form or a combination of the spoken and simpler, less ornate formal forms.[13]

The following sample sentence reveals that differences between literary and spoken Burmese mostly occur in grammatical particles:
"When the 8888 Uprising occurred, approximately 3,000 people died."
noun verb part. noun part. adj. part. verb part. part. part.
Literary
(HIGH)
ရှစ်လေးလုံးအရေးအခင်း
hracle:lum:a.re:a.hkang:
ဖြစ်
hprac
သောအခါက
sau:a.hkaka.
လူ
lu
ဦးရေ
u:re
၃၀၀၀
3000
မျှ
hmya.
သေဆုံး
sehcum:
ခဲ့
hkai.
ကြ
kra.
သည်။
sany
Spoken
(LOW)
တုံးက
tum:ka.
အယောက်
a.yauk
လောက်
lauk
သေ
se
- တယ်။
tai
Gloss The Four Eights Uprising happen when people measure word 3,000 approximately die past tense plural marker sentence final

Spoken Burmese has politeness levels and honorifics that take the speaker's status and age in relation to the audience into account. The particle ပါ pa is frequently used after a verb to express politeness.[20] Moreover, Burmese pronouns relay varying degrees of deference or respect.[21] In many instances, polite speech (e.g., addressing teachers, officials, or elders) employs feudal-era third person pronouns or kinship terms in lieu of first and second person pronouns.[22][23] Furthermore, with regard to vocabulary choice, spoken Burmese clearly distinguishes the Buddhist clergy (monks) from the laity (householders), especially when speaking to or about Buddhist monks.[24] The following are examples of varying vocabulary used for Buddhist clergy and for laity :

  • "sleep" (verb): ကျိန်း kyin: for monks vs. အိပ် ip for laity
  • "die" (verb): ပျံတော်မူ pyam tau mu for monks vs. သေ se for laity

Vocabulary

Burmese primarily has a monosyllabic received Sino-Tibetan vocabulary. Nonetheless, many words, especially loanwords from Indo-European languages like English, are polysyllabic, and others, from Mon, an Austroasiatic language, are sesquisyllabic.[25] Burmese loanwords are overwhelmingly in the form of nouns.[25]

Historically, Pali, the liturgical language of Theravada Buddhism, had a profound influence on Burmese vocabulary. Burmese has readily adopted words of Pali origin because of phonotactic similarities between two languages alongside the fact that the script used for Burmese can reproduce Pali spellings with complete accuracy.[26] Pali loanwords are often related to religion, government, arts, and science.[26]

Burmese loanwords from Pali primarily take four forms:

  1. Direct loan: direct import of Pali words with no alteration in orthography
    • "life": Pali ဇီဝ jiva → Burmese ဇီဝ jiva
  2. Abbreviated loan: import of Pali words with accompanied syllable reduction and alteration in orthography (usually by means of a placing a diacritic, called athat အသတ် (lit. "nonexistence") atop the last letter in the syllable to suppress the consonant's inherent vowel[27]
    • "karma": Pali ကမ္မ kamma → Burmese ကံ kam
    • "dawn": Pali အရု aruṇa → Burmese အရုဏ် arun
    • "merit": Pali ကုသ kusala → Burmese ကုသိုလ် kusuil
  3. Double loan: adoption of two different terms derived from the same Pali word[26]
    • Pali မာန māna → Burmese မာန "arrogance" and မာန် "pride"
  4. Hybrid loan (e.g., neologisms or calques): construction of compounds combining native Burmese words with Pali or combine Pali words:[28]
    • "airplane": လေယာဉ်ပျံ , lit. "air machine fly", ← လေ (native Burmese, "air") + ယာဉ် (from Pali yana, "vehicle") + ပျံ (native Burmese word, "fly")[28]

Burmese has also adapted a great deal of words from Mon, traditionally spoken by the Mon people, who until recently formed the majority in Lower Burma. Most Mon loanwords are so well assimilated that they are not distinguished as loanwords as Burmese and Mon were used interchangeably for several centuries in pre-colonial Burma.[29] Mon loans are often related to flora, fauna, administration, textiles, foods, boats, crafts, architecture and music.[19]

As a natural consequence of British colonization of Burma, English has been another major source of vocabulary, especially with regard to technology, measurements and modern institutions. English loanwords tend to take one of three forms:

  1. Direct loan: adoption of an English word, adapted to the Burmese phonology[30]
    • "democracy": English democracy → Burmese ဒီမိုကရေစီ
  2. Neologism or calque: translation of an English word using native Burmese constituent words[31]
    • "human rights": English "human rights" → Burmese လူ့အခွင့်အရေး (လူ့ "human" + အခွင့်အရေး "rights")
  3. Hybrid loan: construction of compound words by native Burmese words to English words[32]
    • "to sign": ဆိုင်းထိုး ဆိုင်း (English, "sign") + ထိုး (native Burmese, "inscribe").

To a lesser extent, Burmese has also imported words from Sanskrit (religion), Hindi (food, administration, and shipping), and Chinese (games and food).[19] Burmese has also imported a handful of words from other European languages such as Portuguese.

Here is a sample of loan words found in Burmese:

  • suffering: ဒုက္ခ , from Pali dukkha
  • radio: ရေဒီယို , from English "radio"
  • method: စနစ် , from Mon
  • eggroll: ကော်ပြန့် , from Hokkien 潤餅 (jūn-piáⁿ)
  • wife: ဇနီး , from Hindi jani
  • noodle: ခေါက်ဆွဲ , from Shan ၶဝ်ႈသွႆး
  • foot (unit of measurement): ပေ , from Portuguese
  • flag: အလံ , Arabic: علمʿalam
  • storeroom: , from Malay gudang

Since the end of British rule, the Burmese government has attempted to limit usage of Western loans (especially from English) by coining new words (neologisms). For instance, for the word "television," Burmese publications are mandated to use the term ရုပ်မြင်သံကြား (lit. "see picture, hear sound") in lieu of တယ်လီဗီးရှင်, a direct English transliteration.[33] Another example is the word "vehicle", which is officially ယာဉ် (derived from Pali) but ကား (from English "car") in spoken Burmese. Some previously common English loanwords have fallen out of usage with the adoption of neologisms. An example is the word "university", formerly ယူနီဗာစတီ , from English "university", now တက္ကသိုလ် , a Pali-derived neologism recently created by the Burmese government and derived from the Pali spelling of Taxila (တက္ကသီလ Takkasila), an ancient university town in modern-day Pakistan.[33]

Some words in Burmese may have many synonyms, each having certain usages, such as formal, literary, colloquial, and poetic. One example is the word "moon", which can be la̰ Tibeto-Burman), စန္ဒာ/စန်း (derivatives of Pali canda "moon"), or သော်တာ (Sanskrit).[34]

Phonology

The transcriptions in this section use the International Phonetic Alphabet.

Consonants

The consonants of Burmese are as follows:

Bilabial Dental Alveolar Post-al.
/Palatal
Velar Glottal Placeless
Nasal m   n ɲ̥ ɲ ŋ̊ ŋ ɴ
Stop/Affricate p
b
 
t   d
tʰ    

tɕʰ

 
k
g
 
ʔ
 
Fricative θ
 
ð
 
s
z
 
ʃ
 
h
 
Approximant
(Lateral)
     (ɹ) j () w
  l

Phonetic notes:

^1 /ð/ is uncommon, except as a voiced allophone of /θ/.
^2 /w̥/ is rare, having disappeared from modern Burmese, except in transcriptions of foreign names and a handful of native words.
^3 /ɹ/ is rare, used only in place names that have retained Sanskrit or Pali pronunciations (e.g. Amarapura, pronounced and in English-derived words. Historically, /ɹ/ became /j/ in Burmese, and is usually replaced by /j/ in Pāli loanwords, e.g. "monk" ရဟန္တာ ra.hanta , "king" ရာဇ raja. . Occasionally it is replaced with /l/ (e.g., "animal" တိရစ္ဆာန် ti.rac hcan), pronounced or .

Burmese exhibits two distinct types of voicing sandhi, which occurs in the consonant phones:

  • /kʰ, k//ɡ/
  • /tɕʰ, tɕ//dʑ/
  • /sʰ, s//z/
  • /tʰ, t//d/
  • /pʰ, p//b/

In the first type, the initial consonant of the second syllable becomes voiced:[35]

e.g. "hot water": ရေပူ/jè/ + /pù/

In the second type, the initial consonants of both syllables become voiced:[35]

e.g. "promise": ကတိ/ka̰/ + /tḭ/

In some compound works, the phoneme /dʑ/, when following the nasalized final /ɴ/, can shift to a /j/ sound:

e.g. "blouse" (အင်္ကျီ angkyi): .

The phonemes /p, pʰ, b, t, tʰ, d/, when following the nasalized final /ɴ/, can become /m/ in compound words:

e.g. "to consult" တိုင်ပင်:
e.g. "to apologize" တောင်းပန်:
e.g. "airplane" လေယာဉ်ပျံ:

The placeless nasal /ɴ/ is realized as

  • Omniglot: Burmese Language
  • Online Burmese lessons
  • Burmese language resources from SOAS
  • "E-books for children with narration in Burmese". Unite for Literacy library. Retrieved 2014-06-21. 
  • Myanmar Unicode and NLP Research Center
  • Myanmar 3 font and keyboard
  • Burmese online dictionary (Unicode)
  • Ayar Myanmar online dictionary
  • Download KaNaungConverter_Window_Build200508.zip from the Kanaung project page and Unzip Ka Naung Converter Engine
  • http://unicode-table.com/en/sections/myanmar/

External links

  • Becker, Alton L. (1984). "Biography of a sentence: A Burmese proverb". In E. M. Bruner (ed.). Text, play, and story: The construction and reconstruction of self and society. Washington, D.C.: American Ethnological Society. pp. 135–55. 
  • Bernot, Denise (1980). Le prédicat en birman parlé (in French). Paris: SELAF.  
  • Cornyn, William Stewart (1944). Outline of Burmese grammar. Baltimore: Linguistic Society of America. 
  • Cornyn, William Stewart; D. Haigh Roop (1968). Beginning Burmese. New Haven: Yale University Press. 
  • Green, Antony D. (2005). "Word, foot, and syllable structure in Burmese". In J. Watkins (ed.). Studies in Burmese linguistics. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. pp. 1–25.  
  • Okell, John (1969). A reference grammar of colloquial Burmese. London: Oxford University Press.  
  • Roop, D. Haigh (1972). An introduction to the Burmese writing system. New Haven: Yale University Press.  
  • Taw Sein Ko (1924). Elementary handbook of the Burmese language. Rangoon: American Baptist Mission Press. 
  • Watkins, Justin W. (2001). "Illustrations of the IPA: Burmese". Journal of the International Phonetic Association 31 (2): 291–95.  
  • Patricia M Herbert, Anthony Milner, ed. (1989). South East Asia Languages and Literatures: Languages and Literatures: A Select Guide.  

Further reading

  • Julie D. Allen et al, ed. (April 2012). "11. Southeast Asian Scripts". The Unicode Standard Version 6.1 – Core Specification. Mountain View, CA: The Unicode Consortium. pp. 368–373.  
  • Aung-Thwin, Michael (2005). The Mists of Rāmañña: The Legend that was Lower Burma (illustrated ed.). Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.  
  • Aung Bala (1981). "Contemporary Burmese literature". Contributions to Asian Studies 16. 
  • Barron, Sandy; Okell, John; Yin, Saw Myat; VanBik, Kenneth; Swain, Arthur; Larkin, Emma; Allott, Anna J.; Ewers, Kirsten (2007). Refugees from Burma: Their Backgrounds and Refugee Experiences (Report). Center for Applied Linguistics. http://www.cal.org/co/pdffiles/refugeesfromburma.pdf. Retrieved 2010-08-20.
  • Benedict, Paul K. (Oct–Dec 1948). "Tonal Systems in Southeast Asia". Journal of the American Oriental Society (American Oriental Society) 68 (4).  
  • Bradley, David (Spring 1993). "Pronouns in Burmese–Lolo". Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman area (Melbourne: La Trobe University) 16 (1). 
  • Bradley, David (2006). Ulrich Ammon, Norbert Dittmar, Klaus J. Mattheier, Peter Trudgill, ed. Sociolinguistics / Soziolinguistik 3. Walter de Gruyter.  
  • Bradley, David (1996). Atlas of Languages of Intercultural Communication in the Pacific, Asia, and the Americas 1. Walter de Gruyter.  
  • Bradley, David (1989). "Uncles and Aunts: Burmese Kinship and Gender". South-east Asian Linguisitics: Essays in Honour of Eugénie J.A. Henderson (School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London): 147–162. 
  • Bradley, David (2010). "9. Burma, Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam". In Martin J. Ball. The Routledge Handbook of Sociolinguistics Around the World. Routledge. pp. 98–99.  
  • Bradley, David (1995). "Reflexives in Burmese". Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics No. 13: studies in Burmese languages (Australian National University) (A-83): 139–172. 
  • Bradley, David (May 2011). "Changes in Burmese Phonology and Orthography". SEALS Conference. Kasetsart University. Retrieved 19 October 2013. 
  • Bradley, David (2012). "The Characteristics of the Burmic Family of Tibeto-Burman". Language and Linguistics 13 (1): 171–192. 
  • Chang, Charles Bond (2003). “High-Interest Loans”: The Phonology of English Loanword Adaptation in Burmese (B.A. thesis). Harvard University. Retrieved 2011-05-24. 
  • Chang, Charles B. (2009). "English loanword adaptation in Burmese". Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society 1: 77–94. 
  • Harvey, G. E. (1925). History of Burma: From the Earliest Times to 10 March 1824. London: Frank Cass & Co. Ltd. 
  • Herbert, Patricia M.; Milner, Anthony (1989). South-East Asia Languages and Literatures: A Select Guide. University of Hawaii Press.  
  • Hill, Nathan W. (2012). "Evolution of the Burmese Vowel System". Transactions of the Philological Society 110 (1): 64–79.  
  • Hnin Tun; San San (2001). Burmese Phrasebook. Vicky Bowman. Lonely Planet.  
  • Houtman, Gustaaf (1990). Traditions of Buddhist Practice in Burma. Research Institute for Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa. 
  • Jones, Robert (1986). McCoy, John; Light, Timothy, eds. Pitch register languages. Contributions to Sino-Tibetan Studies (E. J. Brill). 
  • Khin Min, Maung (1987). "Old Usage Styles of Myanmar Script". Myanmar Unicode & NLP Research Center. Retrieved 2008-07-29. 
  • Lieberman, Victor B. (2003). Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800–1830, volume 1, Integration on the Mainland. Cambridge University Press.  
  • Nishi, Yoshio (30 October 1998). "The Development of Voicing Rules in Standard Burmese". Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (国立民族学博物館) 23 (1): 253–260. 
  • Nishi, Yoshio (31 March 1998). "The Orthographic Standardization of Burmese: Linguistic and Sociolinguistic Speculations". Bulletin of the National Museum of Ethnology (国立民族学博物館) 22: 975–999. 
  • Okell, John (2002). Burmese By Ear or Essential Myanmar. London: The School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.  
  • Myanmar–English Dictionary. Myanmar Language Commission. 1993.  
  • Discourse Marking in Burmese and English: A Corpus-Based Approach (Thesis). University of Nottingham. 2006. 
  • Taw Sein Ko (1924). Elementary Handbook of the Burmese Language. Rangoon: American Baptist Mission Press. 
  • Taylor, L. F. (1920). "On the tones of certain languages of Burma". Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies (Cambridge University Press) 1 (4).  
  • Wheatley, Julian; Tun, San San Hnin (1999). "Languages in contact: The case of English and Burmese". The Journal of Burma Studies 4. 
  • Wheatley, Julian (2013). "12. Burmese". In Randy J. LaPolla, Graham Thurgood. Sino-Tibetan Languages. Routledge.  
  • Aung Zaw (September 2010). "Tell the World the Truth". The Irrawaddy (Chiang Mai) 18 (9). 
  • Wheatley, Julian K. (1987). "Burmese". In B. Comrie (ed.). Handbook of the world's major languages. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 834–54.  
  • Yanson, Rudolf A. (2012). Nathan Hill, ed. Aspiration in the Burmese Phonological System: A Diachronic Account. Medieval Tibeto-Burman Languages IV. BRILL. pp. 17–29.  
  • Yanson, Rudolf (1994). "3. Language". In Uta Gärtner, Jens Lorenz. Tradition and Modernity in Myanmar. LIT Verlag Münster. pp. 366–426.  

References

  1. ^ Nationalencyklopedin "Världens 100 största språk 2007" The World's 100 Largest Languages in 2007
  2. ^ Nordhoff, Sebastian; Hammarström, Harald; Forkel, Robert; Haspelmath, Martin, eds. (2013). "Southern Burmish". Glottolog 2.2. Leipzig: Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology. 
  3. ^ မြန်မာ mranma can be pronounced or, more colloquially, ဗမာ .
  4. ^ Constitution of the Republic of the Union of Myanmar (2008), Chapter XV, Provision 450
  5. ^ Chang 2003.
  6. ^ a b Bradley 1993, p. 147.
  7. ^ Barron et al. 2007, p. 16-17.
  8. ^ According to the 1891 British census conducted five years after the annexation of the entire country, Konbaung Burma had an "unusually high male literacy" rate where 62.5% of age 25 and over in Upper Burma could read and write. The figure would have been much higher if non-Burmans (e.g., Chins, Kachins, etc.) were excluded. For the whole country, the literacy rate was 49% for males and 5.5% for females.
  9. ^ Lieberman 2003, p. 189.
  10. ^ Lieberman 2003, p. 202-206.
  11. ^ Lewis 2009.
  12. ^ Burmese language reference at Ethnologue (16th ed., 2009)
  13. ^ a b c Bradley 2010, p. 99.
  14. ^ a b Bradley 1995, p. 140.
  15. ^ Bradley 1996, p. 746.
  16. ^ Herbert & Milner 1989, p. 5–21.
  17. ^ Aung Bala 1981, p. 81–99.
  18. ^ Aung Zaw 2010, p. 2.
  19. ^ a b c d e f g Herbert & Milner 1989.
  20. ^ Hnin Tun & San San 2001, p. 39.
  21. ^ Taw Sein Ko 1924, p. 68-70.
  22. ^ Hnin Tun & San San 2001, p. 48-49.
  23. ^ Hnin Tun & San San 2001, p. 26.
  24. ^ Houtman 1990, p. 135-136.
  25. ^ a b Wheatley 2013.
  26. ^ a b c Wheatley & Tun 1999, p. 64.
  27. ^ UC 2012, p. 370.
  28. ^ a b Wheatley & Tun 1999, p. 65.
  29. ^ Wheatley & Tun 1999.
  30. ^ Wheatley & Tun 1999, p. 81.
  31. ^ Wheatley & Tun 1999, p. 67.
  32. ^ Wheatley & Tun 1999, p. 94.
  33. ^ a b Wheatley & Tun 1999, p. 68.
  34. ^ MLC 1993.
  35. ^ a b Nishi 30 October 1998, p. 253-260.
  36. ^ Yanson 2012, p. 17.
  37. ^ Jones 1986, p. 135-136.
  38. ^ a b c d Wheatley 1987.
  39. ^ Taylor 1920, p. 91–106.
  40. ^ Taylor 1920.
  41. ^ Benedict 1948, p. 184–191.
  42. ^ Khin Min 1987.
  43. ^ Harvey 1925, p. 307.
  44. ^ a b Aung-Thwin 2005, p. 167–178, 197–200.
  45. ^ Lieberman 2003, p. 136.
  46. ^ Taw 1924, p. viii.
  47. ^ From Burmese သခင်ဘုရား, lit. "lord master"
  48. ^ Bradley 1993, p. 157–160.
  49. ^ Bradley 1993.

Notes

The Burmese script can be entered from the standard QWERTY keyboard. The most popular Burmese font, Zawgyi, is not Unicode-compliant though a number of Unicode-compliant fonts are available. The national standard keyboard layout for Unicode-compliant font shown here. It is known as the Myanmar3 layout as it was published along with the Myanmar3 Unicode font. The layout, developed by the Myanmar NLP Research Center, has a smart input system to cover the complex structures of Burmese and related scripts.

Computer fonts and standard keyboard layout

Transcription of Burmese is not standardized, as seen in the varying English transcriptions of Burmese names. For instance, a Burmese personal name like ဝင်း may be variously romanized as Win, Winn, Wyn, or Wynn, while ခိုင် may be romanized as Khaing, Khine, or Khain.

Several colloquial transcription systems have been proposed, but none is overwhelmingly preferred over others.

There is no official romanization system for Burmese. There have been attempts to make one, but none have been successful. Replicating Burmese sounds in the Latin script is complicated. There is a Pāli-based transcription system in existence, MLC Transcription System, which was devised by the Myanmar Language Commission (MLC). However, it only transcribes sounds in formal Burmese and is based on the orthography rather than the phonology.

Romanization and transcription

  • ယောက် (measure word for people) → တစ်ယောက်ယောက် (someone)
  • ခု (measure word for things) → တစ်ခုခု (something)

A few measure words can also be reduplicated to indicate "one or the other":

Some nouns are also reduplicated to indicate plurality. For instance, ပြည် "country", but when reduplicated to အပြည်ပြည် "country", means "many countries," as in အပြည်ပြည်ဆိုင်ရာ "international". Another example is အမျိုး, which means "a kind," but the reduplicated form အမျိုးမျိုး means "multiple kinds."

Reduplication is prevalent in Burmese and is used to intensify or weaken adjectives' meanings. For example, ချော "beautiful" is reduplicated, the intensity of the adjective's meaning increases. Many Burmese words, especially adjectives with two syllables, such as လှပ "beautiful", when reduplicated (လှပလှလှပပ ) become adverbs. This is also true of some Burmese verbs and nouns (e.g. ခဏ "a moment" → ခဏခဏ "frequently", which become adverbs when reduplicated.

Reduplication

In general, the male-centric names of old Burmese for familial terms have been replaced in standard Burmese with formerly female-centric terms, which are now used by both sexes. One holdover is the use of ညီ (younger brother to a male) and မောင် (younger brother to a female). Terms like နောင် (elder brother to a male) and နှမ (younger sister to a male) now are used in standard Burmese only as part of compound words like ညီနောင် (brothers) or မောင်နှမ (brother and sister).

Term Upper Burmese Standard Burmese
  • Elder brother (to a male)
  • Elder brother (to a female)
  • နောင်
  • ကို
  • ကို
  • Younger brother (to a male)
  • Younger brother (to a female)
  • ညီ
  • မောင်
  • Elder sister (to a male)
  • Elder sister (to a female)
  • Younger sister (to a male)
  • Younger sister (to a female)
  • နှမ
  • ညီမ
  • ညီမ

In a testament to the power of media, the Yangon-based speech is gaining currency even in Upper Burma. Upper Burmese-specific usage, while historically and technically accurate, is increasingly viewed as countrified speech, or at best regional speech. In fact, some usages are already considered strictly regional Upper Burmese speech, and are likely dying out. For example:

1 The youngest (paternal or maternal) aunt may be called ထွေးလေး [dwé lé], and the youngest paternal uncle ဘထွေး [ba̰ dwé].

Term Upper Burmese Lower Burmese Myeik dialect
  • Paternal aunt (older)
  • Paternal aunt (younger)
  • အရီးကြီး (or
  • အရီးလေး (or
  • ဒေါ်ကြီး (or
  • ဒေါ်လေး
  • မိကြီး
  • မိငယ်
  • Maternal aunt (older)
  • Maternal aunt (younger)
  • ဒေါ်ကြီး (or
  • ဒေါ်လေး
  • Paternal uncle (older)
  • Paternal uncle (younger)
  • ဘကြီး
  • ဘလေး 1
  • ဘကြီး
  • ဦးလေး
  • ဖကြီး
  • ဖငယ်
  • Maternal uncle (older)
  • Maternal uncle (younger)
  • ဦးကြီး
  • ဦးလေး

Minor pronunciation differences do exist within regions of Irrawaddy valley. For example, the pronunciation [sʰʊ́ɴ] of ဆွမ်း "food offering [to a monk]" is preferred in Lower Burma, instead of [sʰwáɴ], which is preferred in Upper Burma. However, the most obvious difference between Upper Burmese and Lower Burmese is that Upper Burmese speech still differentiates maternal and paternal sides of a family:

Family terms

The contraction also occurs in some low toned nouns, making them possessive nouns (e.g. အမေ့ or မြန်မာ့, "mother's" and "Burma's" respectively).

  • ငါ "I" + ရဲ့ (postpositional marker for possessive case) = ငါ့ "my"
  • နင် "you" + ရဲ့ (postpositional marker for possessive case) = နင့် "your"
  • သူ "he, she" + ရဲ့ (postpositional marker for possessive case) = သူ့ "his, her"

In colloquial Burmese, possessive pronouns are contracted when the root pronoun itself is low toned. This does not occur in literary Burmese, which uses ၏ as postpositional marker for possessive case instead of ရဲ့ . Examples include the following:

The particle ma. is suffixed for females.
Typically reserved for the chief monk of a monastery.
Person Singular
Informal Formal
First person တပည့်တော်
ta.pany. do
ဒကာ
da. ka
Second person ဘုန်းဘုန်း
bhun: bhun:


(ဦး)ပဉ္စင်း
(u:) pasang:
အရှင်ဘုရား
a.hrang bhu.ra:


ဆရာတော်
chara dau

Other pronouns are reserved for speaking with Buddhist monks. When speaking to a monk, pronouns like ဘုန်းဘုန်း bhun: bhun: (from ဘုန်းကြီး phun: kri: "monk"), ဆရာတော် chara dau "royal teacher", and အရှင်ဘုရား a.hrang bhu.ra: "your lordship" are used depending on their status ဝါ when referring to oneself, terms like တပည့်တော် ta. pany. tau "royal disciple" or ဒကာ da. ka , "donor" are used. When speaking to a monk, the following pronouns are used:

* The basic particle to indicate plurality is တို့ tui., colloquial ဒို့ dui..
Used by males.
Used by females.
Person Singular Plural*
Informal Formal Informal Formal
First person ငါ
nga
ကျွန်တော်
kywan to


ကျွန်မ
kywan ma.
ငါဒို့
nga tui.
ကျွန်တော်တို့
kywan to tui.


ကျွန်မတို့
kywan ma. tui.
Second person နင်
nang


မင်း
mang:
ခင်ဗျား
khang bya:


ရှင်
hrang
နင်ဒို့
nang tui.
ခင်ဗျားတို့
khang bya: tui.


ရှင်တို့
hrang tui.
Third person သူ
su
(အ)သင်
(a.) sang
သူဒို့
su tui.
သင်တို့
sang tui.

The basic pronouns are:

When speaking to a person of the same status or of younger age, ငါ nga "I/me" and နင် nang "you" may be used, although most speakers choose to use third person pronouns.[49] For example, an older person may use ဒေါ်လေး dau le: "aunt" or ဦးလေး u: lei: "uncle" to refer to himself, while a younger person may use either သား sa: "son" or သမီး sa.mi: "daughter".

Polite pronouns are used to address elders, teachers and strangers, through the use of feudal-era third person pronouns in lieu of first and second person pronouns. In such situations, one refers to oneself in third person: ကျွန်တော် kya. nau for males, and ကျွန်မ kya. ma. for females, both meaning "your servant" and refer to the addressee as မင်း min "your highness", ခင်ဗျား khang bya: "master, lord"[47] or ရှင် hrang "ruler/master".[48] So ingrained are these terms in the daily polite speech that people use them as the first and second person pronouns without giving a second thought to the root meaning of these pronouns.

Subject pronouns begin sentences, though the subject is generally omitted in the imperative forms and in conversation. Grammatically speaking, subject marker particles က in colloquial, သည် in formal) must be attached to the subject pronoun, although they are also generally omitted in conversation. Object pronouns must have an object marker particle ကို in colloquial, အား in formal) attached immediately after the pronoun. Proper nouns are often substituted for pronouns. One's status in relation to the audience determines the pronouns used, with certain pronouns used for different audiences.

Pronouns

Some particles modify the word's part of speech. Among the most prominent of these is the particle , which is prefixed to verbs and adjectives to form nouns or adverbs. For instance, the word ဝင် means "to enter," but combined with , it means "entrance" အဝင်. Also, in colloquial Burmese, there is a tendency to omit the second in words that follow the pattern + noun/adverb + + noun/adverb, like အဆောက်အအုံ, which is pronounced and formally pronounced .

The Burmese language makes prominent usage of particles (called ပစ္စည်း in Burmese), which are untranslatable words that are suffixed or prefixed to words to indicate level of respect, grammatical tense, or mood. According to the Myanmar–English Dictionary (1993), there are 449 particles in the Burmese language. For example, စမ်း is a grammatical particle used to indicate the imperative mood. While လုပ်ပါ ("work" + particle indicating politeness) does not indicate the imperative, လုပ်စမ်းပါ ("work" + particle indicating imperative mood + particle indicating politeness) does. Particles may be combined in some cases, especially those modifying verbs.

Particles

Burmese MLC Usage Remarks
ယောက် yauk for people Used in informal context
ဦး u: for people Used in formal context and also used for monks and nuns
ပါး pa: for people Used exclusively for monks and nuns of the Buddhist order
ကောင် kaung for animals
ခု hku. general classifier Used with almost all nouns except for animate objects
လုံး lum: for round objects
ပြား pra: for flat objects
စု cu. for groups Can be .

Below are some of the most commonly used classifiers in Burmese.

Measurements of time, such as "hour," နာရီ "day," ရက် or "month," do not require classifiers.

The standard word order of quantified words is: quantified noun + numeral adjective + classifier, except in round numbers (numbers that end in zero), in which the word order is flipped, where the quantified noun precedes the classifier: quantified noun + classifier + numeral adjective. The only exception to this rule is the number 10, which follows the standard word order.

Like its neighboring languages such as Thai, Bengali, and Chinese, Burmese uses numerical classifiers (also called measure words) when nouns are counted or quantified. This approximately equates to English expressions such as "two slices of bread" or "a cup of coffee". Classifiers are required when counting nouns, so ကလေး ၅ hka.le: nga: (lit. "child five") is ungrammatical, because the measure word for people ယောက် yauk needs to suffix the numeral.

Numerical classifiers

  • ကြောင်ထီး kraung hti: "male cat"
  • ကြောင်မ kraung ma. "female cat"
  • ကြက်ဖ krak hpa. "rooster/cock"
  • ထန်းဖို htan: hpui "male toddy palm plant"

Although Burmese does not have grammatical gender (e.g. masculine or feminine nouns), a distinction is made between the sexes, especially in animals and plants, by means of suffix particles. Nouns are masculinized with the following particles: ထီး hti: , hpa , or ဖို hpui , depending on the noun, and feminized with the particle ma. . Examples of usage are below:

"five children"
ကလေး ယောက်
hka.le: nga: yauk
/kʰəlé ŋá jaʊʔ/
child five classifier

Plural suffixes are not used when the noun is quantified with a number.

  • မြစ် mrac "river"
  • မြစ်တွေ mrac twe "rivers" (colloquial)
  • မြစ်များ mrac mya: "rivers" (formal)
  • မြစ်တို့ mrac tou: "rivers"

Nouns in Burmese are pluralized by suffixing the particle တွေ twe (or if the word ends in a glottal stop) in colloquial Burmese or များ mya: in formal Burmese. The particle တို့ (tou. , which indicates a group of persons or things, is also suffixed to the modified noun. An example is below:

Nouns

မစားဘူး ma.ca: bhu: "[I] don't eat"

The verb suffix particle ဘူး bhu: indicates a statement:

မစားနဲ့ ma.ca: nai. Don't eat

The verb suffix particle နဲ့ nai. (literary form: နှင့် hnang. indicates a command:

Verbs are negated by the particle ma. , which is prefixed to the verb. Generally speaking, other particles are suffixed to that verb, along with .

စားတော့ ca: tau. "Eat (now)"

When တော့ is used alone, however, it is imperative:

စားတော့မယ် ca: tau. mai "I'm going to eat (straight-away)"

The particle တော့ tau. is used when the action is about to be performed immediately when used in conjunction with မယ်. Therefore it could be termed as the "immediate future tense particle".

စားမယ် ca: mai "I will eat"

The particle မယ် mai (literary form: မည် many is used to indicate the future tense or an action which is yet to be performed:

(စ)စားပြီ (ca.) ca: pri "I am (now) eating"

This particle ပြီ pri , which is used when an action that had been expected to be performed by the subject is now finally being performed, has no equivalent in English. So in the above example, if someone had been expecting you to eat and you have finally started eating, the particle ပြီ is used as follows:

စားနေတယ် ca: ne tai "I am eating"

The particle နေ ne is used to denote an action in progression. It is equivalent to the English '-ing'"

စားခဲ့တယ် ca: hkai. tai "I ate"

The suffix ခဲ့ hkai. denotes that the action took place in the past. However, this particle is not always necessary to indicate the past tense such that it can convey the same information without it. But to emphasize that the action happened before another event that is also currently being discussed, the particle becomes imperative. Note that the suffix တယ် tai in this case denotes a factual statement rather than the present tense:

စားတယ် ca: tai "I eat"

The suffix တယ် tai (literary form: သည် sany can be viewed as a particle marking the present tense and/or a factual statement:

The most commonly used verb particles and their usage are shown below with an example verb root စား ca: "to eat". Alone, the statement စား is imperative.

The roots of Burmese verbs are almost always suffixed with at least one particle which conveys such information as tense, intention, politeness, mood, etc. Many of these particles also have formal/literary and colloquial equivalents. In fact, the only time in which no particle is attached to a verb is in imperative commands. However, Burmese verbs are not conjugated in the same way as most European languages; the root of the Burmese verb always remains unchanged and does not have to agree with the subject in person, number or gender.

Verbs

Numerals follow the nouns they modify. Moreover, numerals follow several pronunciation rules that involve tone changes (low tone → creaky tone) and voicing shifts depending on the pronunciation of surrounding words. A more thorough explanation is found on Burmese numerals.

Comparatives are usually ordered: X + ထက်ပို htak pui + adjective, where X is the object being compared to. Superlatives are indicated with the prefix a. + adjective + ဆုံး hcum: .

Adjectives may also form a compound with the noun (e.g. လူချော lu hkyau: "person" + "be beautiful").

Colloquial: ချောတဲ့လူ hkyau: tai. lu
Formal: ချောသောလူ hkyau: so: lu
Gloss: "beautiful" + adjective particle + "person"

Burmese does not have adjectives per se. Rather, it has verbs that carry the meaning "to be X", where X is an English adjective. These verbs can modify a noun by means of the grammatical particle တဲ့ tai. in colloquial Burmese (literary form: သော sau: , which is suffixed as follows:

Adjectives

The basic word order of the Burmese language is subject-object-verb. Pronouns in Burmese vary according to the gender and status of the audience. Burmese is monosyllabic (i.e., every word is a root to which a particle but not another word may be prefixed).[46] Sentence structure determines syntactical relations and verbs are not conjugated. Instead they have particles suffixed to them. For example, the verb "to eat," စား ca: is itself unchanged when modified.

Grammar

Written Burmese dates to the early Pagan period. The British colonial period scholars believed that the Burmese script was developed c. 1058 from the Mon script.[43] However, evidence shows that the Burmese script has been in use at least since 1035 CE (perhaps as early as 984 CE) while the earliest Burma Mon script, which is different from the Thailand Mon script, dates to 1093 CE.[44] The Burmese script may have been sourced from the Pyu script.[44] (Both Mon and Pyu scripts are derivatives of the Brāhmī script.) Burmese orthography originally followed a square format but the cursive format took hold from the 17th century when popular writing led to the wider use of palm leaves and folded paper known as parabaiks ပုရပိုက်.[45] Much of the orthography in written Burmese today can be traced back to Middle Burmese. Standardized tone marking was not achieved until the 18th century. From the 19th century onward, orthographers created spellers to reform Burmese spelling, because ambiguities arose over spelling sounds that had been merged.[19] During colonial rule under the British, Burmese spelling was standardized through dictionaries and spellers. The latest spelling authority, named the Myanma Salonpaung Thatpon Kyan မြန်မာ စာလုံးပေါင်း သတ်ပုံ ကျမ်း, was compiled in 1978 at the request of the Burmese government.[19]

The development of the script followed that of the language, which is generally divided into Old Burmese, Middle Burmese and modern Burmese. Old Burmese dates from the 11th to the 16th century (Pagan and Ava dynasties); Middle Burmese from the 16th to the 18th century (Toungoo to early Konbaung dynasties); modern Burmese from the mid-18th century to the present. Orthographic changes followed shifts in phonology (such as the merging of the [-l-] and [-ɹ-] medials) rather than transformations in Burmese grammatical structure and phonology, which has not changed much from Old Burmese to modern Burmese.[19] For example, during the Pagan era, the medial [-l-] ္လ was transcribed in writing, which has been replaced by medials [-j-] and [-ɹ-] in modern Burmese (e.g. "school" in old Burmese က္လောင် ကျောင်း in modern Burmese).[42] Likewise written Burmese has preserved all nasalized finals [-n, -m, -ŋ], which have merged to [-ɴ] in spoken Burmese. (The exception is [-ɲ], which, in spoken Burmese, can be one of many open vowels [i, e, ɛ]. Likewise, other consonantal finals [-s, -p, -t, -k] have been reduced to [-ʔ]. Similar mergers are seen in other Sino-Tibetan languages like Shanghainese, and to a lesser extent, Cantonese.)

The Burmese alphabet consists of 33 letters and 12 vowels, and is written from left to right. It requires no spaces between words, although modern writing usually contains spaces after each clause to enhance readability. Characterized by its circular letters and diacritics, the script is an abugida, with all letters having an inherent vowel a. or . The consonants are arranged into six consonant groups (called ဝဂ် based on articulation, like other Brahmi scripts. Tone markings and vowel modifications are written as diacritics placed to the left, right, top, and bottom of letters.[19]

Sampling of various Burmese script styles

Alphabet

  • /kʰə.loʊʔ/ 'knob'
  • /pə.lwè/ 'flute'
  • /θə.jɔ̀/ 'mock'
  • /kə.lɛʔ/ 'be wanton'
  • /tʰə.mə.jè/ 'rice-water'

Some examples of words containing minor syllables:

  • It contains /ə/ as its only vowel
  • It must be an open syllable (no coda consonant)
  • It cannot bear tone
  • It has only a simple (C) onset (no glide after the consonant)
  • It must not be the final syllable of the word

A minor syllable has some restrictions:

  • CV /mè/ 'girl'
  • CVC /mɛʔ/ 'crave'
  • CGV /mjè/ 'earth'
  • CGVC /mjɛʔ/ 'eye'
  • CVVC /màʊɴ/ (term of address for young men)
  • CGVVC /mjáʊɴ/ 'ditch'

The syllable structure of Burmese is C(G)V((V)C), which is to say the onset consists of a consonant optionally followed by a glide, and the rime consists of a monophthong alone, a monophthong with a consonant, or a diphthong with a consonant. The only consonants that can stand in the coda are /ʔ/ and /ɴ/. Some representative words are:

Syllable structure

In spoken Burmese, some linguists classify two real tones (there are four nominal tones transcribed in written Burmese), "high" (applied to words that terminate with a stop or check, high-rising pitch) and "ordinary" (unchecked and non-glottal words, with falling or lower pitch), with those tones encompassing a variety of pitches.[39] The "ordinary" tone consists of a range of pitches. Linguist L. F. Taylor concluded that "conversational rhythm and euphonic intonation possess importance" not found in related tonal languages and that "its tonal system is now in an advanced state of decay."[40][41]

  • Low /kʰàɴ/ "undergo"
  • High /kʰáɴ/ "dry up"
  • Creaky /kʰa̰ɴ/ "appoint"

In syllables ending with /ɴ/, the checked tone is excluded:

  • Low /kʰà/ "shake"
  • High /kʰá/ "be bitter"
  • Creaky /kʰ/ "fee"
  • Checked /kʰ/ "draw off"

For example, the following words are distinguished from each other only on the basis of tone:

Tone Burmese Symbol
(shown on a)
Description
Low နိမ့်သံ à Normal phonation, medium duration, low intensity, low (often slightly rising) pitch[38]
High တက်သံ á Sometimes slightly breathy, relatively long, high intensity, high pitch; often with a fall before a pause[38]
Creaky သက်သံ tense or creaky phonation (sometimes with lax glottal stop), medium duration, high intensity, high (often slightly falling) pitch[38]
Checked တိုင်သံ Centralized vowel quality, final glottal stop, short duration, high pitch (in citation; can vary in context)[38]
as an example. /a/There are four contrastive tones in Burmese. In the following table, the tones are shown marked on the vowel

Burmese is a tonal language, which means phonemic contrasts can be made on the basis of the tone of a vowel. In Burmese, these contrasts involve not only pitch, but also phonation, intensity (loudness), duration, and vowel quality. However, some linguists consider Burmese a pitch-register language like Shanghainese.[37]

Tones

The close vowels /i/ and /u/ and the close portions of the diphthongs are slightly centered to [ɪ] and [ʊ] in closed syllables, i.e. before /ɴ/ and /ʔ/. Thus နှစ် /n̥iʔ/ "two" is phonetically [n̥ɪʔ] and ကြောင် /tɕàuɴ/ "cat" is phonetically [tɕàʊɴ].

The monophthongs /e/, /o/, /ə/, and /ɔ/ occur only in open syllables (those without a syllable coda); the diphthongs /ei/, /ou/, /ai/, and /au/ occur only in closed syllables (those with a syllable coda). /ə/ only occurs in a minor syllable, and is the only vowel that is permitted in a minor syllable (see below).

Monophthongs Diphthongs
Front Back Front offglide Back offglide
Close i u
Close-mid e o ei ou
Mid ə
Open-mid ɛ ɔ
Open a ai au

The vowels of Burmese are:

Vowels

e.g. "to cook" , ချက် → "to be cooked" , ကျက်
e.g. "to loosen" , ဖြေ → "to be loosened" , ပြေ
e.g. "elevated" , မြင့် → "to elevate" , မြှင့်

In many Burmese verbs, pre-aspiration and post-aspiration distinguishes the causative and non-causative forms of verbs, whereby the aspirated initial consonant indicates active voice or a transitive verb, while an unaspirated initial consonant indicates passive voice or an intransitive verb:[36]

. "storm" is pronounced /mòʊɴdáɪɴ/

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