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Joseph's Tomb

Joseph's Tomb
Coloured lithograph showing 2 men at the foot of a barren hill looking towards a large stone with a rounded top between two standing stones and with an arched opening in an ashlar wall in the background
"Tomb of Joseph at Shechem", by David Roberts 1839
Map showing the West Bank
Map showing the West Bank
Shown within the West Bank
Location Nablus, West Bank
Type tomb
Material local stone
Associated with Joseph (son of Jacob)
Site notes
Condition reconstructed
Public access limited

Joseph's Tomb (Hebrew: קבר יוסף‎, Qever Yosef, Arabic: قبر يوسف‎, Qabr Yūsuf) is a funerary monument located at the eastern entrance to the valley that separates Mounts Gerizim and Ebal, 325 yards northwest of Jacob's Well,[1] on the outskirts of the West Bank city of Nablus, near Tell Balāṭa, the site of biblical Shechem.[2][3] One biblical tradition identifies the general area of Shechem as the resting-place of the biblical patriarch Joseph, and his two sons Ephraim and Manasseh.

Joseph's tomb has been venerated throughout the ages by Jews, Samaritans, Christians and Muslims.[4][5][6] Post-biblical records regarding the location of Joseph's Tomb at this site date from the beginning of the 4th-century AD.[7] The present structure, a small rectangular room with a cenotaph, dates from 1868, and is devoid of any trace of ancient building materials.[8][9] Some scholars and Egyptologists, such as Kenneth Kitchen, James K. Hoffmeier, and David Rohl affirm the essential historicity of the biblical account of Joseph, while others, such as Donald B. Redford, argue that the story itself has ‘no basis in fact’.[10]

Modern scholarship has yet to determine whether or not the present cenotaph is to be identified with the ancient biblical gravesite.[11] No Jewish or Christian sources prior to the 5th century mention the tomb, and the structure originally erected over it appears to have been built by the Samaritans, for whom it was probably a sacred site.[12]

At key points in its long history, Joseph's Tomb has witnessed intense sectarian conflict. Samaritans and Christians disputing access and title to the site in the early Byzantine period often engaged in violent clashes.[12][13][14] After Israel captured the West Bank in 1967, Muslims were prohibited from worship at the shrine and it was gradually turned into a Jewish prayer room. Interreligious friction and conflict from competing Jewish and Muslim claims over the tomb became frequent.[15] Falling under the jurisdiction of the Palestinian National Authority (PNA) following the signing of the Oslo Accords, it remained under IDF guard with Muslims prohibited from praying there.[16] At the beginning of the Al-Aqsa Intifada in 2000, just after being handed over to the PNA, it was looted and razed by a Palestinian mob.[17][18] Following the reoccupation of Nablus during Israel's Operation Defensive Shield in 2002, Jewish groups returned there intermittently.[19] Between 2009 and 2010 the structure was refurbished, with a new cupola installed, and visits by Jewish worshippers have resumed.[20]


  • Early traditions 1
    • Biblical source and early religious traditions 1.1
    • Modern scholarship on the narrative of Joseph’s bones 1.2
    • Schenke's hypothesis 1.3
  • History of the identification and use of the site 2
    • Pilgrim accounts 2.1
    • 19th-century accounts 2.2
      • Detailed survey by Conder, 1878–89 2.2.1
    • Confusion over competing shrine 2.3
    • After 1967 2.4
    • Since 2000 2.5
  • See also 3
  • Footnotes 4
  • References 5
  • External links 6

Early traditions

Biblical source and early religious traditions

The Torah provides four details regarding the traditions surrounding Joseph’s remains. The account in Genesis relates that, before his death, he had his brothers swear they would carry his bones out of Egypt to Canaan.[21] He is then said to have been embalmed then placed in a coffin in Egypt.[22] In Exodus,[23] we are told that Moses fulfilled the pledge by taking Joseph's bones with him when he left Egypt. In Joshua, Joseph’s bones are said to have been brought from Egypt by the Children of Israel[24] and interred in Shechem.
The bones of Joseph, which the Children of Israel brought up out of Egypt, were buried in Shechem in a parcel of land Jacob bought from the sons of Hamor, father of Shechem, for a hundred pieces of silver (qeśîṭâ).[25]

The Bible does not identify a specific site in Shechem where his bones were laid to rest.[26] The Genesis Rabba, a Jewish text written c. 400–450 CE, states that the burial site in Shechem is one of three for which the nations of the world cannot ridicule Israel and say "you have stolen them," it having been purchased by Jacob.[27] The rabbis also suggest that Joseph instructed his brothers to bury him in Shechem since it was from there he was taken and sold into slavery.[28][29] Other Jewish sources have him buried either in Safed, or, according to an aggadic tradition, have him interred at Hebron according to his own wishes.[26] The ambiguity is reflected in Islamic tradition which points to Nablus as being the authentic site, though some early Islamic geographers identified the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron as housing his tomb.[30] The Qur'an itself does not mention details of Joseph's burial. Ali of Herat (1119), Yaqut (1229) and Ibn Battuta (1369) all conserve both the Nablus and Hebron traditions. Later Muslim chroniclers also mention a third site purporting to be the authentic tomb, near Beit Ijza.[31] The Hebron tradition is also reflected in some medieval Christian sources, such as the account by Srewulf (CE 1102) who says that 'the bones of Joseph were buried more humbly than the rest, as it were at the extremity of the castle.'[32]

Modern scholarship on the narrative of Joseph’s bones

Though the traditional biblical date for the narrative of Joseph’s life and death places him in Egypt in the middle of the Twelfth Dynasty,[33] roughly comparable to the Hyksos invasion of Egypt, contemporary scholarship no longer accepts such a remote dating.[34] The figure of Joseph itself is often taken to be a ‘personification of a tribe’, rather than an historic person.[35]

According to the Bible, Joseph was embalmed and buried in a coffin in Egypt, after having his people swear to carry his bones away.[36] Later midrash identify his first entombment in a royal mausoleum, or as cast into the Nile. Moses is said to have gathered the bones and taken them with him during the Exodus from Egypt,[37] using magic to raise the coffin,[38] a tradition repeated by Josephus, who specifies that they were buried in Canaan at that time.[39] Regarding his burial in Canaan, from Joshua it is evident that the portion Joseph received was an allotment near Shechem, not the town itself.[40]

The majority of contemporary scholars believe the historicity of the events in the Joseph story cannot be demonstrated.[41][42] In the wake of scholars like Hermann Gunkel, Hugo Gressmann and Gerhard von Rad, who identified the story of Joseph as primarily a literary composition,[43] it is now widely considered to belong to the genre of romance,[44][45] or the novella.[46][47][48] As a novella it is read as reworking legends and myths, many of them, especially the motifs of his reburial in Canaan, associated with the Egyptian god Osiris,[49] though some compare the burial of his bones at Shechem with the disposal of Dionysus’s bones at Delphi.[50][51][52] The reworked legends and folklore were probably inserted into the developing textual tradition of the Bible between the 8th and 6th centuries BCE. Most scholars[53] place its composition in a genre that flourished in the Persian period of the Exile.[54][55][56][57][58]

For Schenke, the tradition of Joseph's burial at Shechem can only be understood as a secondary, Israelitic historical interpretation woven around a more ancient Canaanite shrine in that area.[59] Wright has indeed argued that, 'the patriarch Joseph was not an Israelite hero who became Egyptianised, but an Egyptian divinity who was Hebraised.' [60]

Schenke's hypothesis

Hans-Martin Schenke, starting from an analysis of John 4:4–6, in which Jesus encounters a Samaritan woman at the town Sychar, made an extensive analysis of the ancient sources, together with an examination of the site. The curiosity of the Gospel text for scholars lies in the mention of an otherwise unattested town in the field, and the failure of the text to refer to Joseph's Tomb, despite mentioning the field Jacob allotted to Joseph, and Jacob's well.[61] In Schenke's view, from the beginning of the Hellenistic period down to the 1st century CE, when the author of John's gospel was presumably writing, the grave commemorating Joseph stood by Jacob's Well. This grave was shifted, together with the sacred tree and Jacob's field, sometime between that date and the earliest testimony we have in the Bordeaux itinerary in 333 CE., which locates it elsewhere, by Shechem/Tel Balāṭa.[62]

History of the identification and use of the site

Pilgrim accounts

Black and white drawing showing a three dimensional cube flanked by two castle-type cylindrical towers each topped with cones
Drawing from the itinerary of Rabbi Uri of Biel, c. 1564. (Annotation: "Joseph the Righteous")


  • New York Times slideshow of the tomb. October 2008
  • Film depicting the vandalism & destruction of the tomb
  • Website with photos of the destruction
  • Photo of the tomb during the destruction
  • "Arab vandals desecrate Joseph's Tomb" (asp / html).  

External links

  • Aran, Gideon (1994). "Jewish Zionist Fundamentalism : The Bloc of the Faithful in Israel (Gush Emunin)". In  
  • BBC (October 1, 2002). "Israeli army returns to Arafat compound".  
  • Bishop Alexander (October 26, 1844). "The Well of Jacob and Tomb of Joseph". The Church of England magazine 17 (490). London: J. Burns for the Church Pastoral-aid Society. p. 280. 
  • Bonar, Andrew Alexander; M'Cheyne, Robert Murray (1839). Narrative of a mission of inquiry to the Jews from the Church of Scotland in 1839. Philadelphia: Presbyterian board of publications. 
  • Browne, John Ross (1853). Yusef: or, The Journey of the Fungi (i.e Frangi): A crusade in the East. Harper. 
  • Crown, Alan David (1989). "The Byzantine period and Moslem Period". In Alan David, Crown. The Samaritans. Mohr Siebeck. pp. 55–81.  
  • anonymous (May 30, 2002). "Tanks roll back into Nablus".  
  • de Hoop, Raymond (1999). Genesis 49 in its literary and historical context. Oudtestamentische studiën, Oudtestamentisch Werkgezelschap in Nederland 39. BRILL.  
  • de Saulcy, Louis Félicien Joseph Caignart; de Warren, Edouard (1854). Narrative of a journey round the Dead Sea, and in the Bible lands, in 1850 and 1851 1 (2 ed.). R. Bentley. 
  • Dor, Danny (2004). Intifada hits the headlines: how the Israeli press misreported the outbreak of the second Palestinian uprising. Indiana University Press.  
  • Dudkevitch, Margot (October 11, 2000). "Palestinians refurbish Joseph's Tomb".  
  • Dumper, Michael (2002). The politics of sacred space: the old city of Jerusalem in the Middle East conflict. Lynne Rienner Publishers.  
  • Dumper, Michael; Stanley, Bruce E. (2007). "Nablus". Cities of the Middle East and North Africa: a historical encyclopedia. ABC-CLIO. pp. 265–267.  
  • Feige, Michael (2007). "Recovering Authenticity:West Bank Settlers and the Second Stage of National Archeology". In Kohl, Philip L.; Kozelsky, Mara; Nachman, Ben Yehuda. Selective remembrances: archaeology in the construction, commemoration, and consecration of national pasts. University of Chicago Press. pp. 277–298.  
  • Fendel, Hillel (November 11, 2007). "Arab Municipality Deigns to Clean Jewish Holy Site".  
  • Forlong, J. G. R. (2003) [1906]. "The Dead". Encyclopedia of Religions or Faiths of Man. Kessinger Publishing.  
  • Freund, Richard A. (2009). Digging Through the Bible: Modern Archaeology and the Ancient Bible. Rowman & Littlefield.  
  • Gafni, Shlomo S.; van der Heyden, A. (1982). The glory of the Holy Land. The Jerusalem Publishing House.  
  • Geike, Cunningham (1887). The Holy Land and the Bible: a book of Scripture illustrations gathered in Palestine. London: Cassell. 
  • Gitlitz, David Martin; Davidson, Linda Kay. (2006). Pilgrimage and the Jews. Westport: CT: Praeger.  
  • Golden, Jonathan (2004). "Targeting Heritage: The Abuse of Symbolic Sites in Modern Conflicts". In Rowan, Yorke M.; Baram, Uzi. Marketing heritage: archaeology and the consumption of the past. Rowman Altamira. pp. 183–202.  
  • Goldman, Shalom (1995). The wiles of women/the wiles of men: Joseph and Potiphar's wife in ancient Near Eastern, Jewish, and Islamic folklore. SUNY Press.  
  • Gross, Tom (October 11, 2000). "Letting a dangerous genie out of the bottle".  
  • Guérin, M.V. (1874). Description géographique, historique et archéologique de la Palestine 1. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale.  
  • Guinn, David E. (2006). Protecting Jerusalem's holy sites: a strategy for negotiating a sacred peace. Cambridge University Press.  
  • Gutman, Matthew; Lazaroff, Tovah (February 21, 2003). "Joseph's Tomb destruction 'very serious,' says PM aide".  
  • Hackett, H.B. (1863). "Shechem". In  
  • Harel, Amos (October 10, 2000). "IDF: Palestinians building mosque on Joseph's Tomb site".  
  • Hassner, Ron Eduard (2009). War on sacred grounds. Cornell University Press.  
  • Hayden, Robert M. (2002). "Intolerant sovereignties and ‘multi-multi’ protectorates: competition of religious sites and (in)tolerance in the Balkans". In Hann, C. M. Postsocialism: ideals, ideologies, and practices in Eurasia. Routledge. pp. 159–179.  
  • Hermann, Tamar (2009). The Israeli peace movement: a shattered dream. Cambridge University Press.  
  • Hirschberg, Peter (November 6, 2000). "Israel fears Palestinian mob damage at other West Bank holy sites".  
  • Inbari, Motti (2009). Jewish fundamentalism and the Temple Mount: who will build the Third Temple?. SUNY Press.  
  • Kerkeslager, Allen (1998). "Jewish Pilgrimage and Jewish Identity in Hellenistic and Early Roman Egypt". In Frankfurter, David. Pilgrimage and holy space in late antique Egypt. BRILL. pp. 99–225.  
  • Kohen, Eli. (2007). History of the Byzantine Jews: a microcosmos in the thousand year empire. University Press of America.  
  • La Guardia, Anton (2007). Holy Land, unholy war: Israelis and Palestinians (3 ed.). Penguin Books.  
  • Le Strange, Guy (2010) [1890]. Palestine Under the Moslems: A Description of Syria and the Holy Land from A.D. 650 to 1500. Cosimo, Inc., 2010.  
  • Levinson, Chaim; Pfeffer, Anshel (April 24, 2011). "Israelis shot in West Bank tried to break through Palestinian roadblock, probe shows".  
  • Lipton, Edward P. (2002). Religious freedom in the Near East, northern Africa and the former Soviet states. Nova Publishers. pp. 46–2.  
  • Louden, Bruce (2011). "The Odyssey and the myth of Joseph; Autolykos and Jacob". Homer's Odyssey and the Near East. Cambridge University Press. pp. 57–104.  
  • Mandel, Jonah (20 August 2010). "Chief rabbis in rare visit to holy sites in Nablus, Jericho".  
  • Matthews, Mark (2007). Lost years: Bush, Sharon, and failure in the Middle East. Nation Books.  
  • Miller, Nancy (May–June 1985). "Patriarchal Burial Site Explored for First Time in 700 Years". Biblical Archeology Society 11 (3). 
  • Mills, John (1864). Three months' residence at Nablus, and an account of the modern Samaritans. J. Murray. 
  • Moore, Megan Bishop; Kelle, Brad E (2011). Biblical History and Israel's Past: The Changing Study of the Bible and History. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing.  
  • Nahshoni, Kobi (20 August 2010). "Rabbis witness renovation of Joseph's Tomb".  
  • Niehoff, Maren (1992). The figure of Joseph in post-Biblical Jewish literature. Arbeiten zur Geschichte des antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums 16. BRILL.  
  • Pfeffer, Anshel (May 29, 2011). "IDF: Palestinian police intentionally targeted worshipers at Joseph's Tomb".  
  • Pringle, Denys (1998). The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: L-Z (excluding Tyre). The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus 2. Cambridge University Press.  
  • Pringle, Denys (2007). The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: The city of Jerusalem. The Churches of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem: A Corpus 3. Cambridge University Press.  
  • Pummer, Reinhard (1987). The Samaritans. BRILL.  
  • Pummer, Reinhard (1993). "Joseph’s Tomb". In Alan David, Crown; Reinhard, Pummer; Abraham, Tal. A companion to Samaritan studies. Mohr Siebeck.  
  • Rivka, Ulmer (2009). Egyptian cultural icons in Midrash. Studia Judaica 52. Walter de Gruyter.  
  • Schenke, Hans-Martin (1967). "Jacobsbrunnen-Josephsgrab-Sychar. Topographische Untersuchungen und Erwägungen in der Perspektive von Joh. 4,5.6". Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palästina-Vereins 84 (2): 159–184. 
  • Schwarz, Joseph (1850). A Descriptive Geography and Brief Historical Sketch of Palestine. Translated by Isaac Leeser. Philadelphia: A. Hart. 
  • Sela, Neta (29 January 2008). "MKs demand restoration of Joseph's tomb".  
  • Sennott, Charles M. (2003). The body and the blood: the Middle East's vanishing Christians and the possibility for peace. PublicAffairs.  
  • Sills, Deborah (1997). "Strange Bedfellows: Politics and Narrative in Philo". In Breslauer, S. Daniel. The seductiveness of Jewish myth: challenge or response?. SUNY series in Judaica. SUNY. pp. 171–190.  
  • Sivan, Hagith (2008). Palestine in late antiquity. Oxford University Press.  
  • Sontag, Deborah (4 October 2000). "A Biblical Patriarch's Tomb Becomes a Battleground".  
  • Sperling, S. David (2003). The Original Torah: The Political Intent of the Bible's Writers. NYU Press.  
  • Staff Report (February 3, 2008). "Israel to ask PA to repair Joseph's Tomb".  
  • Shinan, Avigdor; Zakovitch, Yair (2012). From Gods to God: How the Bible Debunked, Suppressed, Or Changed Ancient Myths and Legends. University of Nebraska Press.  
  • Sweeney, Marvin A. (2009). "Form criticism: The Question of the endangered Matriarchs in Genesis". In LeMon, Joel M.; Richards, Kent Harold. Method matters:essays on the interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in honor of David L. Petersen. Society of Biblical Literature. pp. 17–38.  
  • Tarabay, Jamie (October 11, 2000). "Israelis and Palestinians contest holy shrine".  
  • Taylor, William Cooke (1838). Illustrations Of The Bible From The Monuments of Egypt. London: Tilt. 
  • Tobler, Titus (1869). Palaestinae: Descriptiones ex saeculo IV, V et VI. Iternerarium Burdigala Hierosolymam. Peregrinatio S. Paulae. Eucherius De Loeis Sanctis. Theodorus De Situ Terrae Sanctae.  
  • Völter, Daniel (1909). Aegypten und die Bibel: die Urgeschichte Israels im Licht der aegyptischen Mythologie (4th ed.). Leiden: E.J. Brill. Retrieved 8 September 2011. 
  • Wagner, Matthew (February 15, 2007). "35 MKs want Joseph's Tomb reopened".  
  • Wagner, Matthew (April 23, 2009). "Site of Joseph's Tomb vandalized".  
  • Weiss, Efrat (November 14, 2007). "Palestinians clean Joseph's Tomb".  
  • Weiss, Efrat (April 23, 2009). "Joseph's Tomb compound vandalized".  
  • Wilson, John (1847). The lands of the Bible visited and described, 2. Edinburgh: William Whyte and Co. Retrieved 10 September 2011. 
  • Wolf, C. Umhau (2006) [1971]. The Onomasticon of Eusebius Pamphili Compared with the Version of Jerome and Annotated. The Tertullian Project. Retrieved 8 September 2011. 
  • Wright, George R. H (October 1972). "Joseph’s Grave under the Tree by the Omphalos of Shechem". Vetus Testamentum 82 (4). Brill. pp. 476–486. 
  • Wright, George R. H (1987). "An Egyptian God at Shechem". As on the first day: essays in religious constants. Brill. pp. 71–85.  
  • Zangenberg, Jürgen (2006). "Between Jerusalem and the Galilee: Samaria in the Time of Jesus". In Charlesworth, James H. Jesus and Archeology. Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing. pp. 392–431.  
  • Zunz, Leopold (1840). "On the Geography of Palestine from Jewish Sources". In Asher, Adolf. The itinerary of Rabbi Benjamin of Tudela 2. London and Berlin: A. Asher % Co. 
  • Zuroff, Avraham (December 25, 2008). "Joseph’s Tomb Gets a Paint Job After 9 Years of Arab Desecration".  


  1. ^ Bruce 1994, p. 102
  2. ^ Pummer 1993, p. 139
  3. ^ Zangenberg 2006, p. 415
  4. ^ Conder 2004 (a), p. 74:‘venerated by the members of every religious community in Palestine’.
  5. ^ Pummer 1993, p. 139.
  6. ^ Twain 2008, p. 553:‘Few tombs on earth command the veneration of so many races and men of diverse creeds as that of Joseph. Samaritan and Jew, Moslem and Christian alike, revere it, and honour it with their visits.’
  7. ^ Hackett 1863, p. 1239
  8. ^ Pringle 1998, p. 94.
  9. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 174: ‘der Gebäudekomplex über und um ein Kenotaph herum, der heute als Josephsgrab gilt, ist ganz modern und enthält nicht einmal alte Bauelemente.’
  10. ^ Redford 1993, p. 429.
  11. ^ Pummer 1987, p. 12.‘Whether today’s cenotaph and its site are identical with the ancient one can presently not be decided.
  12. ^ a b Pummer 1987, pp. 11–12
  13. ^ Kohen 2007, p. 24.
  14. ^ Sivan 2008, pp. 114–117
  15. ^ a b Hassner 2009, p. 87.
  16. ^ Hayden 2002, p. 167.
  17. ^ a b Dor 2004, p. 45.
  18. ^ Abu El Haj 2001, p. 281.
  19. ^ Dumper 2007, p. 267.
  20. ^ a b Nahshoni 2010.
  21. ^ Genesis 50:25.
  22. ^ Genesis 50:26.
  23. ^ Exodus 13:19
  24. ^ Rivka 2009, pp. 112–113, n.30 notes a variant tradition, recorded in the so-called “small Genesis” (Jubilees, 46:7) which states however that the Israelites brought out from Egypt the bones of Jacob’s sons, except those of Joseph.
  25. ^ Joshua 24:32. See also Genesis 33:18–20
  26. ^ a b Freund 2009, p. 28.
  27. ^ Neusner 1985, pp. 89142–143: "Rav Yudan bar Simeon said, 'This is one of three passages on the basis of which the nations of the world cannot ridicule Israel, saying 'You have stolen property'.' " The others being the cave at Machpelah (Hebron) and the site of the Temple (Jerusalem). Genesis Rabba 79.7.
  28. ^ Harry Freedman; Maurice Simon (February 1983). Midrash Rabbah: Exodus. Soncino Press. p. 259.  
  29. ^ Jacob ben Solomon Ibn Ḥabib; Avraham Yaakov Finkel; Rabbi Yaakov Ibn Chaviv (August 1999). Ein Yaakov: the ethical and inspirational teachings of the Talmud. Jason Aronson. p. 453.  
  30. ^ Le Strange 2010, p. 325:’The tomb of Joseph is in the plot of ground lying outside Solomon’s enclosure (the Haram). It stands opposite the tomb of Jacob and is near that of his forefathers Abraham and Isaac. Now Ibrahim ibn Ahmad al Khalanji states that he was requested by one of (the Caliph) Al Muktadir’s women, Al ’Ajûz by name, who was sojourning at the Holy City, to proceed to the place where, according to the tradition, Joseph was buried, and having discovered the sepulchre, to erect over it a building. So Al Khalanji set forth with workmen, and they found the place where, according to tradition, Joseph was buried, namely outside the enclosure (of Solomon), and opposite the tomb of Jacob, and they bought the field from its owner, and began to lay it bare. In the very place indicated by the tradition they came on a huge rock, and this, by order of Al Khalanji, was broken into. They tore off a portion, ‘and,’ says Al Khalanji, ‘I being with the workmen in the trench when they raised up the fragment, lo! Here lay (the body of) Joseph – peace be upon him!-beautiful and glorious to look on, as he is always represented to have been. Now, first there arose from the place an odour of musk. I caused the workmen to set it down into its place against the fragment of rock, to be as it has been before.’ “And afterwards,” Mujir ad Din continues,’they built over this place the Dome which can be seen there to this day, in proof that the tradition is a true one, and that the Patriarch is buried beneath.’ The general site it called Al Qala’ah (The Castle).
  31. ^ a b Goldman 1995, pp. 127–130
  32. ^ Conder & Kitchener 1882, p. 342.
  33. ^ Redford 1970, p. 188
  34. ^ Sperling 2003, p. 98
  35. ^ Schenke 1968, p. 174: “Joseph” ist ein personifizierter Stamm.’
  36. ^ Genesis, 50:24–26.
  37. ^ Exodus, 13:19.
  38. ^ Rivka 2009, pp. 113,127–128.
  39. ^ Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews 2:200–201: ‘At length his brethren died, after they had lived happily in Egypt. Now the posterity and sons of these men after some time carried their bodies, and buried them at Hebron. But as to the bones of Joseph, they carried them into the land of Canaan afterwards, when the Hebrews went out of Egypt’ (tr. William Whiston). τελευτῶσι δ’ αὐτοῦ καὶ οἱ ἀδελφοὶ ζήσαντες εὐδαιμόνως ἐπὶ τῆς Αἰγύπτου. καὶ τούτων μὲν τὰ σώματα κομίσαντες μετὰ χρόνον οἱ ἀπόγονοι καὶ οἱ παῖδες ἔθαψαν ἐν Νεβρῶνι*, τὰ δὲ Ἰωσήπου ὀστᾶ ὕστερον, ὅτε μετανέστησαν ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου οἱ Ἑβραῖοι, εἰς τὴν Χαναναίαν ἐκόμισαν• (2.200–201).
    • ἐν Νεβρῶνι 'in Nebron' is written in the best manuscripts (R= Paris Codex Regius Parisinus, and O = Codex Oxoniensis (Bodleianus), miscell. graec. 186, collectively known as RO), and is the reading defended by Josephus's editor Benedikt Niese. This is often emended to ἐν Χεβρῶνι (in Χεβρῶν/Hebron), the reading conserved by inferior manuscripts which are influenced by the Septuagint.
  40. ^ de Hoop 1999, p. 497.
  41. ^ Moore & Kelle 2011, p. 174: ‘The majority of current scholars believe that the historicity of the Egyptian sojourn, exodus, and wilderness wandering that the Bible remembers cannot be demonstrated by historical methods.’
  42. ^ de Hoop 1999, p. 420: ‘In conclusion, it is the question for evidence, principally falsifiable, that forms historical probability. This evidence is not found in narratives like the Joseph Story.
  43. ^ de Hoop 1999, p. 412: ‘The departure from the historical approach, which sought for the exact period when Joseph rose to power, was mainly caused by the recognition of Gunkel, Greßmann, von Rad and others, that the Joseph story is a literary composition, a novella. Von Rad even stated that the Joseph Story ‘has no historical-political concern whatsoever, also a cult-aetiologic tendency is lacking, and we even miss a salvation-historical and theological orientation...the Joseph story with its clearly didactic tendency belongs to the ancient wisdom school’.’
  44. ^ de Hoop 1999, p. 412.
  45. ^ Louden 2011, p. 63‘Joseph’s myth has basic affinities with romance’.
  46. ^ Sills 1997, pp. 172–174
  47. ^ Redford 1993, pp. 422–429,p.423: ‘as has long been realized, the Joseph story is in fact a novella or short story.
  48. ^ Redford 1970, p. 66-58: ‘The Joseph story as Märchen-Novelle.’
  49. ^ Völter 1909, p. 67
  50. ^ Goldman 1995, p. 124
  51. ^ Völter 1909, pp. 64–5: Die Erzählung aber, dass die Lade mit dem Leichnam des Joseph, nachdem sie lange in Aegypten geblieben war, beim Auszug von den Israeliten mitgenommen und nach Palästina gebracht worden sei, kann kaum etwas anderes bedeuten, als daß der Cultus eines toten, in einer Lade liegenden Gottes, der eigentlich in Aegypten zu Hause war, von den Israeliten übernommen worden ist, Dieser Gott is Osiris.’
  52. ^ Rivka 2009, pp. 113–114: Joseph’s double burial, and his first resting place in the Nile, shares several motifs extant in the Egyptian Osiris myth.
  53. ^ Sperling 2003, p. 98 writes: "there are no compelling linguistic or historical reasons to date the story later than the ninth to eighth century of the first millennium B.C.E."
  54. ^ Smith 1984, pp. 243–244 n.1, 268: "a romance, of the ancient genre of romantic-religious novellae that revived in the Hellenistic world...the first great example in Israelite literature is the Joseph romance."; "The old peasant stories of the Patriarchs and Joshua (heroes of holy places at Bethel, Hebron Beersheba and Shechem) had doubtless long been collected in cycles and may, before Persian times, have been connected with some or all of the other elements in the hexateuchal narrative, myths about the beginning of the world, the flood and so on, the Joseph romance, nomads’ tales of Moses, and stories about the conquest of the country. These components are clear; how they were put together is hazy; but most scholars would agree that the Jerusalem priests of the Persian period were the final editors who gave the material substantially its present form...and rewrote many stories to serve their own purposes, usually as legal precedents."
  55. ^ Redford 1970, p. 242: "several episodes in the narrative, and the plot motifs themselves, find some parallel in Saite, Persian, or Ptolemaic Egypt. It is the sheer weight of evidence, and not the argument from silence, that leads to the conclusion that the seventh century B.C. is the terminus a quo for the Egyptian background to the Joseph Story. If we assign the third quarter of the fifth century B.C.E. as the terminus ante quem, we are left with a span of two and one half centuries, comprising in terms of Egyptian history the Saite and early Persian periods."
  56. ^ Redford 1993, p. 429: "the Biblical Joseph story was a novella created sometime during the seventh or sixth century B.C. (the end of the Judean monarchy or the Exile)."
  57. ^ Wright 1973, pp. 113–114
  58. ^ Finkelstein & Silberman 2001, pp. 37,67: :The camel carrying 'gum, balm, and myrrh,' in the Joseph story reveals an obvious familiarity with the main products of the lucrative Arabian trade that flourished under the supervision of the Assyrian empire in the eighth-seventh centuries BCE.": "A seventh century BCE background is also evident in some of the peculiar Egyptian names mentioned in the Joseph story."
  59. ^ Schenke 1968, p. 174 : ‘die Tradition von seinem Grab bei Sichen kann also nur als sekundäre Israelitische, nämlich geschichtliche Deutung eines älteren kanaanäischen Heiligtums bzw. heiligen Platzes verstanden werden.’
  60. ^ Wright 1973, p. 79
  61. ^ Schenke 1967, pp. 159–184
  62. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 175.
  63. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 175 n.49: ‘Inde ad pede montis ipsius (Gerizim) locus est, cui nomen est Sechim. Ibi positum est monumentum, ubi positus est Joseph in villa, quam dedit ei Jacob pater eius.’
  64. ^ Wolf 2006
  65. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 175 n.50:Συχὲμ . .νῦν ἔρημος. δείκνυται δὲ ὁ τόπος ἐν προαστείοις Νέαϛ πόλεως, ἔνθα καὶ ὁ τάφος δείκνυται τοῦ Ἰωσήφ, καὶ παράκειται.’
  66. ^ Guérin 1874, p. 374, citing Jerome, Opera omnia, (Migne) vol.1 p.889:'Atque inde divertens (a puteo Jacob) vidit duodecim patriarcharum sepulcra.'
  67. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 168 n.16:'duodecim autem patriarchae non sunt sepulti in Arboc, sed in Sychem'(Epistle 57,10).
  68. ^ Sivan 2008, p. 115 n.24
  69. ^ Crown 1989, p. 70
  70. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 177
  71. ^ Kohen 2007, p. 24
  72. ^ Sivan 2008, p. 114:In the days of the high priest Eleazar the Christians came and laid waste to the field of Joseph’s tomb. They said that they wanted to take the remains of Joseph the patriarch away. They would excavate by day but during the night the ground would revert to its previous state. So they seized some Samaritans and made them go and dig. Sad and weeping, the (seized men) did not have their heart in their work. When Friday came, towards evening, they arrived at the entrance to the cave and kept on appealing to God for help, saying: ‘This is the night time and we are no longer able to do any work until the Sabbath is over.’ A sign appeared in the sky, thunder with gusty winds and fire erupted from the mouth of the cave to heavens. There was fire on Mount Gerizim. A pillar of cloud returned to the mountain. This was what was written about in the Holy Torah. These (miracles) were a witness to the mighty desires of the gentiles to own Joseph. Then the Christians came and put up a building over the grave which the Samaritans then demolished. They then took seven people from among them and executed them. So they then seized the high priest Eleazar and leaders of the Hukama and hanged them.’
  73. ^ a b c Golden 2004, p. 187
  74. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 177.
  75. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 179
  76. ^ a b Pringle 1998, p. 94
  77. ^ Le Strange 2010, p. 416:Schenke 1967, p. 179.
  78. ^ Le Strange 2010, p. 512Schenke 1967, p. 179: The information is contained also in the Ibn Abd al-Haqq’s abridgement of Yaqut al-Hamawi’s book entitled Marasid al-lttila' fi Asma al- Amkina Wa al-Biqa, compiled several decades later.
  79. ^ Benjamin of Tudela 1840, p. 67
  80. ^ Pringle 1998, p. 94.
  81. ^ Schenke 1967, pp. 179–180
  82. ^ a b c Hackett 1863, p. 1240
  83. ^ Adler 2004, p. 105
  84. ^ Schenke 1967, p. 179n.69c corrects the original Shiloh to 'Sichem/Shechem', emending the text, by presuming a lacuna, to read 'and from Shiloh to Shechem'.
  85. ^ Hackettt 1863, p. 1240.
  86. ^ Bonar & M'Cheyne 1839, p. 20
  87. ^ Bishop Alexander 1844, p. 280
  88. ^ Wilson 1847, pp. 60–61
  89. ^ Wilson 1847, pp. 62
  90. ^ Gafni, van der Heyden & 1982, p. 138
  91. ^ Schwarz 1850, p. 150
  92. ^ Browne 1853, p. 354
  93. ^ Crosby 2010, pp. 291–292
  94. ^ de Saulcy & de Warren 1854, p. 99
  95. ^ Hackett 1857, p. 128.
  96. ^ Thomson 1883, p. 147.
  97. ^ Sir Charles William Wilson (1880). The land of Galilee & the north: including Samaria, Haifa, and the Esdraelon Valley. Ariel Pub. House. p. 3. Retrieved 15 September 2011. In the shallow basins thus formed I have seen traces of fire, as if votive offerings had recently ben burnt there. It is said that small objects, such as kerchiefs of embroidered muslin or silk shawls and other trifles, are occasionally sacrificed at this tomb by Jews. 
  98. ^ Geike 1887, p. 212. "The tomb stands in a little yard close to the mosque, at the end of a fine row of olive and fig-trees, and enclosed by a low stone wall. Two low pillars stand at the head and foot of the tomb, their tops hollowed out and blackened by fire; the Jews making a practice of burning small articles, such as gold lace, shawls, or handkerchiefs, in these saucer-like cups, in memory of the patriarch who sleeps beneath."
  99. ^ Conder 2004 (a), pp. 291–292,74–75. "The most curious point to notice is, however, the existence of two short pillars, one at the head, the other at the foot of the tomb, having shallow cup-shaped hollows at their tops. These hollows are blackened by fire, for the Jews have the custom of burning sacrifices on them, small articles such as handkerchiefs, gold lace, or shawls being consumed. Whether this practice is also observed by the Samaritans is doubtful."
  100. ^ Forlong 2003, p. 518. "The Jews still burn shawls, and other stuffs, at the grave of Joseph in Shechem."
  101. ^ Conder 2004 (a)
  102. ^ Conder 2004 (a), pp. 291–292,74–75
  103. ^ Conder & Kitchener 1882, pp. 194–195.
  104. ^ Conder 2004 (b), pp. 63–64.
  105. ^ Hackett, pp. 1239–1240
  106. ^ Arthur Penrhyn Stanley (1863). Sermons preached before the Prince of Wales during his tour in the East in the spring of 1862: with notices of some of the localities visited. p. 182. Retrieved 15 September 2011. 
  107. ^ Stanley, p. 241
  108. ^ Mills, p. 66
  109. ^ a b Mills, p. 33
  110. ^ John McClintock; James Strong (1894). Cyclopaedia of Biblical, theological, and ecclesiastical literature. Harper. p. 636. Retrieved 29 April 2011. 
  111. ^ a b Freund 2009, p. 28
  112. ^ Sontag 2000
  113. ^ Dor 2004, p. 48
  114. ^ a b Hayden 2002, p. 167
  115. ^ Sennott 2003, p. 365
  116. ^ Mark Matthews (2007). Lost years: Bush, Sharon, and failure in the Middle East. Nation Books. p. 277.  
  117. ^ Gazit 2003, p. 119. The incident occurred after Moshe Arens was appointed Defence Minister in 1983.
  118. ^ Sennott 2003, p. 364
  119. ^ Inbari 2009, p. 132.
  120. ^ Aran 1994, p. 336 n.27
  121. ^ Rubenberg 2003, p. 187 n.12
  122. ^ a b Mahmoud Yazbak, 'Holy shrines (maqamat) in modern Palestine/Israel and the politics of memory,' in Marshall J. Breger,Yitzhak Reiter,Leonard Hammer (eds.),Holy Places in the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: Confrontation and Co-existence, Routledge 2010 pp.231-246 p.238.
  123. ^ Goldman 1994, p. 150
  124. ^ Sharkansky 1997, p. 158
  125. ^ Feige 2007, p. 285
  126. ^ Dor 2004, p. 47.
  127. ^ Hayden 2002, p. 167.
  128. ^ Golden 2004, p. 187
  129. ^ Dor 2002, p. 48
  130. ^ Sharkansky 1997, p. 158: 'When the army declared a curfew against Arab residents of Nablus so that religious settlers and two Likud members of the Knesset could pray at Joseph's tomb, her comment,"This is human rights? That they put 120,000 people under house arrest (that is, the curfew) for 24 hours so that (Likud members) Tzahi Haneghi and Dov Shilansky could dance with a Torah scroll on Sheikh Yusuf's tomb near Nablus and say 'It's all mine,' without anyone interfering? This is human rights?'
  131. ^ Fendel 2007
  132. ^ La Guardia 2007, p. 306.
  133. ^ Dor 2004, p. 48.
  134. ^ Guinn 2007, p. 70
  135. ^ Dumper 2002, p. 147.
  136. ^ Kershner 2008.
  137. ^ Dumper 2009, p. 85
  138. ^ Enderlin 2003, pp. 53–57
  139. ^ Hermann 2009, p. 137.
  140. ^ Dor 2004, pp. 46–47.
  141. ^ Sennott 2003, p. 364
  142. ^ Sher 2006, p. 158.
  143. ^ Dor 2004, p. 47.
  144. ^ Sher 2006, p. 165.
  145. ^ Matthews 2007, p. 285.
  146. ^ Golden 2004, p. 189:'In their assault on the tomb, the Palestinian attackers expressed their challenge to the credibility of Israeli claims to the site.'
  147. ^ Lipton 2002, p. 52:'On October 7, following the IDF evacuation from the Jewish religious site of Joseph’s tomb, 1,000 Palestinian protesters entered the religious site, desecrated religious literature, burned the site, and damaged the roof and an outer wall in an unsuccessful attempt to demolish the tomb. The PA began to repair the tomb the following day.'
  148. ^ Gross 2000.
  149. ^ Dudkevitch 2000
  150. ^ a b Harel 2000.
  151. ^ Tarabay 2000.
  152. ^ Hirschberg 2000.
  153. ^ Gitlitz & Davidson 2006, pp. 231–235.
  154. ^ Dumper 2007, p. 267.
  155. ^ anonymous 2002
  156. ^ a b Wagner 2007
  157. ^ BBC 2002
  158. ^ Gutman & Lazaroff 2003
  159. ^ Weiss 2007.
  160. ^ Sela 2008
  161. ^ Staff Report 2008
  162. ^ Zuroff 2008
  163. ^ Wagner 2009.
  164. ^ Weiss 2009.
  165. ^ Mandel 2010.
  166. ^ Levinson & Pfeffer 2011.
  167. ^ Pfeffer 2011.


See also

On April 24, 2011, Palestinian Authority police officers opened fire on three cars of Israeli worshipers after they finished praying at Joseph's Tomb. An Israeli citizen was killed and three others were wounded. The fatality was identified as Ben-Joseph Livnat, 25, the nephew of Culture Minister Limor Livnat. Both the Israel Defense Forces and Palestinian Authority ordered investigations into the incident. According to an initial investigation, three cars full of Israelis entered the compound of Joseph's Tomb without coordination with the Israeli military or Palestinian security forces and then tried to break through a Palestinian Authority police checkpoint.[166] The IDF investigation concluded that the Palestinian police officers had acted "maliciously" and with the intent to harm the Jewish worshipers. IDF Chief of Staff Benny Gantz added that they fired "without justification and with no immediate threat to their lives."[167]

In August 2010, it was reported that the IDF and the Palestinian Authority reached an agreement on renovating the site. Israel's chief rabbis, Yona Metzger and Shlomo Amar, visited and prayed at the tomb along with 500 other worshippers, the first such visit by a high-ranking Israeli delegation in 10 years.[20][165]

[164] In late April 2009, a group of Jewish worshipers found the headstone smashed and swastikas painted on the walls, as well as boot prints on the grave itself.[163] As of 2009, monthly visits to the tomb in bullet-proof vehicles under heavy IDF protection are organised by the

In early 2008, a group of MKs wrote a letter to the Prime Minister asking that the tomb be renovated: "The tombstone is completely shattered, and the holy site is desecrated in an appalling manner, the likes of which we have not seen in Israel or anywhere else in the world."[160] In February, it was reported that Israel would officially ask the Palestinian Authority to carry out repairs at the tomb,[161] but in response, vandals set tires on fire inside the tomb. In December 2008, Jewish workers funded by anonymous donors painted the blackened walls and re-built the shattered stone marker covering the grave.[162]

In February 2007, thirty five Knesset members (MKs) wrote to the army asking them to open Joseph's Tomb to Jewish visitors for prayer.[156] In May 2007, Breslov hasidim visited the site for the first time in two years and later on that year, a group of hasidim found that the gravesite had been cleaned up by the Palestinians. In the past few years the site had suffered from neglect and its appearance had deteriorated, with garbage being dumped and tires being burned there.[159]

In February 2003 it was reported in the Jerusalem Post that the grave had been pounded with hammers and that the tree at its entrance had been broken; car parts and trash littered the tomb which had a "huge hole in its dome." Bratslav leader Aaron Klieger notified and lobbied government ministers about the desecration, but the IDF said it had no plans to secure or guard the site, claiming such action would be too costly.[158]

After the events of October 2000, the IDF prohibited Israeli access to the tomb.[153] As a result of Operation Defensive Shield, Nablus was reoccupied by the IDF in April 2002, with severe damage to the historic core of the city, where 64 heritage buildings suffered serious damage or were destroyed.[154] Some Breslov hasidim and others began to take advantage of the new circumstances to visit the site clandestinely under the cover of darkness, evading army and police checkpoints. Eventually Joseph’s tomb was once more open to visits. In May 2002, Israeli soldiers mistakenly opened fire on a convoy of settlers taking advantage of an ongoing incursion in Nablus to visit the tomb. Seven settlers were arrested by the army for illegally entering a combat zone.[155] As a result of Operation Defensive Shield, the tomb was retaken by the IDF and shortly afterwards, in response to numerous requests, they renewed guarded tours of the tomb. One day every month at midnight as many as 800 visitors were allowed to pray at the gravesite. These visits were designed to prevent unauthorized and unprotected clandestine visits, mainly by Breslav Hassidim.[156] However, in October, citing security reasons, Israel re-imposed a ban on Jewish pilgrims obtaining special permits and travelling to the tomb.[157]

A colour photograph showing a cluster of black-garbed men in hats, along with a cluster of uniformed soldiers, standing under a whitewashed, arched opening with a doorway behind and a low dome dimly visible in the background
Night visit under IDF guard, November 2009

Since 2000

Israeli military officials said the Palestinians intended to build a mosque on the ruins of the site.[150] The statement came after workers repairing the tomb painted the site's dome green, the colour of Islam. A Palestinian Authority spokesman denied the allegations and said that Arafat had ordered the renovations and for the synagogue to be rebuilt.[150] Ghassan Shakaa, the mayor, claimed that city officials simply wanted to return the building to the way it looked before it came into Israeli hands in the 1967 Mideast war.[151] Under intense U.S. and international pressure the dome was repainted white.[152]

[149] Over the year and a half between 1999 and 2000, the

On December 12, 1995, in accordance with the Oslo Accords, jurisdiction of Nablus was handed over to the Palestinian National Authority, though Israel retained control of several religious sites, one of which was Joseph’s Tomb, thus sanctioning the fraught situation.[132][133] Settler apprehensions that the area might be returned to Palestinians worked to enhance the status of Joseph's tomb as a centre of pilgrimage.[134] The Interim Agreement stipulated that:'Both sides shall respect and protect the religious rights of Jews, Christians, Muslims and Samaritans concerning the protection and free access to the holy sites as well as freedom of worship and practice.'[135] The tomb, resembling a fortified military post with a small functioning yeshiva, became a frequent flash point.[136] On September 24, 1996, after the opening of an exit for the Hasmonean Tunnel under the Ummariya madrasah, which Palestinians interpreted as a signal Benjamin Netanyahu was sending that Israel was to be the sole sovereign of Jerusalem, the PNA called for a general strike and a wave of protests broke out throughout the West Bank. In clashes, 7 Palestinians were killed and 253 wounded in the West Bank while six Israeli soldiers were killed at the tomb,[137][138] and parts of the adjacent yeshiva were ransacked. Jews continued to worship at the site under limited protection of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), often dressed as civilians easily mistaken for settlers.[139]

Before 1967, the tomb was still located in a field in the village of Balata on the outskirts of Nablus. Local residents apparently believed the structure entombed a 19th-century cleric who was reputed to have healed the sick by reciting Koranic verses. Although the building did not function as a mosque, it was used by childless couples who would pray there for children, and young boys would take their first ritual haircut inside.[116] After the capture of Nablus and the rest of the Palestinian territories in the 1967 war, Jewish settlers began to frequent the site, and by 1975, Muslims were prohibited from visiting the site.[114][73] After a settler was stabbed in Nablus in 1983, other settlers demonstrated by taking over Joseph's tomb for three days in a bid to force the government's hand into using an iron fist.[117] In the mid-1980s a yeshiva named Od Yosef Chai, (Joseph Still Lives), affiliated with some of the more militant Jewish settlements, and headed by Yitzhak Ginsburg,[118][119][120] was built at the site beside an Israel Defense Forces (IDF) military outpost, apparently on the model of settler success in establishing a presence at the Tomb of the Patriarchs in Hebron.[121] All Muslims including those living nearby were forcefully denied access.[122] An initial attempt in 1994 to transform the site into a Jewish religious centre failed .[123] Shulamit Aloni, minister for culture and education in the Rabin government, outraged religious activists at the time by asserting, on the basis of archeological evidence, that the site was only 200 years old, and the tomb that of Sheikh Yūsuf (Dawiqat).[124] Her views were challenged by Benny Katzover who replied that she had been misled by archeologists, and he had experts to back the traditional ascription.[125] In 1997 Torah scrolls were brought in, the prayer niche facing Mecca was covered, and the site was declared a synagogue and yeshiva.[126][127][128] Attaching the religious tradition surrounding the story of Joseph to the site, the settlers received protection from the IDF to transform this place of Muslim worship into one of their own.[129] A curfew lasting 24 hours was once imposed by the IDF on Nablus's 120,000 inhabitants to allow a group of settlers and 2 Likud Knesset members to pray at the site.[130] On the traditional anniversary of Joseph's death on the 27th of Tammuz, hundreds of Jews would arrive at the site.[131]

After 1967

By the 1860s, many Jews and Muslims had come to see the limestone structure as housing the tomb of the biblical Joseph, and it was referred to in Arabic as "Qabr en-Nabi Yūsuf" ("Tomb of the Prophet Joseph").[73] A decorative cloth photographed in 1917, draped over the tomb itself, asserted this perception. Palestinians are also said to regard the site as the burial place of Yūsuf Dawiqat, an Islamic sheikh.[111][112][113][114] It has been claimed that this tradition is an innovation in response to Israeli control of the site since the 1970s.[115][111]

A sepia-toned photograph showing a man wearing a turban, his left arm cradling a thin staff, and standing behind and with his right hand upon a centotaph draped with fabric on which is an inscription in Arabic script
"This is God's prophet, our master Joseph, peace be upon him", 1917.

In the course of pin-pointing the location of the tomb, the Reverend H.B. Hackett in Sir William Smith's A dictionary of the Bible (1863) mentions the existence of two tombs bearing an association to Joseph in Nablus. In addition to the one close to the well, (location of Conder's survey), he describes another exclusively Muslim tomb in the vicinity, about a quarter of a mile up the valley on the slope of Mt. Gerizim. He is not able to conclude which of the tombs is that of the biblical Joseph, but cites Arthur Penrhyn Stanley (1856) that at the Muslim tomb "a later Joseph is also commemorated at the sanctuary."[105] Stanley himself writes that the little mosque on Gerizim's north-eastern slopes is known by various names including Allon Moreh (Oak of Allon), Aharon Moreh (Ark of Moreh) and Sheykh al-Amad (Saint of the Pillar) which he suggests commemorate biblcal traditions.[106] Stanley also quotes Buckingham, who mentions that the Samaritans maintain that the alternative tomb belongs to a certain Rabbi Joseph of Nablus.[107] John Mills (1864) writes that claims of the tomb belonging to Rabbi Joseph of Nablus are unfounded,[108] the structure being called by the Samaritans "The Pillar" in commemoration of the pillar set up by Joshua.[109] Mills rather identifies the supposed rabbi's tomb with a mosque named after a Muslim saint, Sheikh el-Amud ("Saint of the Pillar"), but further claims that the association is 'only a modern invention of the Mohammedans'.[109] A book published in 1894, also questions the existence of a tomb to Rabbi Joseph of Nablus, calling it 'a Mohammedan legend, imposed upon inquisitive travellers by unscrupulous guides' since 'the present Samaritans known of no Joseph's tomb but the generally accepted one'.[110]

1864 plan of Nablus showing Joseph’s Tomb (1), Ancient tomb (5), Imad ed Din (7) and Amud (8)

Confusion over competing shrine

"The tomb points approximately north and south, thus being at right angles to the direction of Moslem tombs north of Mecca. How the Mohammedans explain this disregard of orientation in so respected a Prophet as "our Lord Joseph," I have never heard; perhaps the rule is held to be only established since the time of Mohammed. The veneration in which the shrine is held by the Moslem peasantry is, at all events, not diminished by this fact."

Conder also questions the fact that the tomb points north to south, inconsistent with Muslim tombs north of Mecca. This fact did not however diminish Muslim veneration of the shrine:[102][103][104]

The tomb itself measures 6 foot (1.8 m) feet long and stands 4 foot (1.2 m) feet high. It consisted of a long narrow plastered block with an arched roof, having a pointed cross section. The tomb is not in line with the walls of the courtyard, which have a bearing of 202º, nor is it in the middle of the enclosure, being nearest to the west wall. Two short plastered pedestals with shallow cup-shaped hollows at their tops stand at the head and foot of the tomb. The hollows are blackened by fire due to the Jewish custom of burning offerings of shawls, silks or gold lace on the pillar altars. Both Jews and Samaritans burn oil lamps and incense in the pillar cavity.
by early 1868. Damascus at English consul walls, about 1 foot (0.30 m) thick, are in good repair and stand 10 foot (3.0 m) feet high. Entrance to the courtyard is from the north through the ruin of a little square domed building. There are two Hebrew inscriptions on the south wall. An additional English inscription notes that the structure was entirely rebuilt at the expense of the whitewashedIt is located on the road-side from Balata to ‘Askar, at the end of a row of fine fig trees. The open courtyard surrounding the tomb measures about 18 foot (5.5 m) square. The plastered,
The enclosure

Claude R. Conder provides a detailed description of the site in his works Tent Work in Palestine (1878), Survey of Western Palestine (1881) and Palestine (1889).

A black-and-white photograph showing a low stone wall enclosing a courtyard in front of a low building with an entry through a pointed arch with a small dome behind
Early 1900s

A stone bench is built into the east wall, on which three Jews were seated at the time of our second visit, book in hand, swinging backwards and forwards as they crooned out a nasal chant–a prayer no doubt appropriate to the place.

Claude R. Conder, 1878.[101]

Detailed survey by Conder, 1878–89

[100][99][98][97] During the late 19th century, sources report the Jewish custom of burning small articles such as gold lace, shawls or handkerchiefs, in the two low pillars at either end of the tomb. This was done in "memory of the patriarch who sleeps beneath".[96] noted in 1883 that 'the entire building is fast crumbling to ruin, presenting a most melancholy spectacle.' Being exposed to the weather, 'it has no pall or votive offering of any kind, nor any marks of respect such as are seen at the sepulchres of the most insignificant Muslim saints.'Thomson [95] Hackett noted in 1857 that the tomb is placed diagonally to the walls, instead of parallel, and found 'the walls of the interior covered with the names of pilgrims, representing almost every land and language; though the Hebrew character was the most prominent one.'[94].Jacob's Well, Bir-Yakub called Arabs, i.e. chapel) [...] said to be the tomb of Joseph,' noting it was just to the east of what the weli Louis Félicien Joseph Caignart de Saulcy and Edouard de Warren (1853) describe it as 'a small Mussulman oualy ([93] over the tomb, forming a pleasant bower.'trellis countries, excepting that this one is roofless, and consequently lacks the usual white dome. In the interior, a vine grows from a corner, and spreads upon a Mohammedan, such as is everywhere seen in Wely also visited the site during 1851. He designated it, 'the so-called tomb of Joseph,' describing it as 'a plain white Santon's tomb, or Howard Crosby [92]; but the best authorities deny that there was any evidence that Joseph was buried here.'sepulcher (1853) writes: 'We also visited the reputed site of Joseph's Tomb. A rude stone building covers the pretended John Ross Browne in the 19th century described their impressions of the site in travelogues. Palestine Western travellers to [91]Rabbi Joseph Schwarz (1850) who had lived in Palestine for 16 years, identified the village of Abulnita, 'about 2 English miles east of Shechem', as the site 'where Joseph lies buried'.
Black-and-white photograph showing an open-air scene of ruins with a white, peaked centotaph in between two short white columns
Photograph, 1868

Jewish illustration depicting the tomb (19th-century)

John Wilson (1847) writes that the tomb lies about two or three hundred yards to the north of Jacob's Well, across the valley. He describes it as 'a small solid erection in the form of a wagon roof, over what is supposed to be the patriarch’s grave, with a small pillar or altar at each of its extremities, sometimes called the tombs of Ephraim and Manasseh, and the middle of an enclosure without a covering. Many visitors names, in the Hebrew and Samaritan characters, are written on the walls of this enclosure.' One of the inscriptions is said to intimate the tomb's repair by a Jew from Egypt, Elijah son of Meir, around 1749.[88] Wilson adds that 'The Jews of Nablus take upon themselves the duty of keeping the tomb in order. They applied to us for a subscription to aid in making some repairs and we complied with their request'.[89] These Hebrew and Samaritan inscriptions were still visible on the white plastered walls as late as 1980, as were small lamps in an internal recess, probably donated by Jews during the 18th and 19th centuries.[90]

Photograph showing 4 lines of Hebrew text in black letters on a white ground
Hebrew inscription recording the repairs of 1749:
..."With the good sign. The LORD endureth forever. My help cometh from the LORD who made heaven and earth. Joseph is a fruitful bough. Behold a renewed majestic building...Blessed be the LORD who has put it into the heart of Elijah, the son of Meir, our rabbi, to build again the house of Joseph in the month Sivan, in the year 5509" (AM)

In 1839, the Jewish traveller Loewe based his identification of the tomb as near Jacob's Well by a topographical argument. Scripture, he argued, calls the place neither an emek (valley) nor a shephelah (plain), but a 'portion of field' (chelkat hasadeh), and concluded: 'in the whole of Palestine there is not such another plot to be found, a dead level, without the least hollow or swelling in a circuit of two hours.'[82] In 1839, it was recorded that Jews frequently visited the tomb and that many inscriptions in Hebrew were visible on the walls.[86] The site was "kept very neat and in good repair by the bounty of Jews who visited it."[87]

'The present monument... is a place of resort, not only for Jews and Christians, but Mohammedans and Samaritans; all of whom concur in the belief that it stands on the vertiable spot where the patriarch was buried.'[85]

William Cooke Taylor (1838) describes the biblical parcel of ground Jacob gave to Joseph as situated on plain of Mukhna, and identifies the tomb as an oriental weli structure at the entrance to the valley of Nablus, to the right near the base of Mt Ebal. The sarcophagus, he suggests, lies underneath or somewhere else in the vicinity of this plain, and comments:

19th-century accounts

Although the Koran does not mention details of Joseph's burial, Islamic tradition points to Nablus as being the authentic site. However, some early Islamic geographers identified the Cave of the Patriarchs in Hebron as housing his tomb. While Ali of Herat (1119), Yaqut (1229) and Ibn Battuta (1369) all report the Hebron traditions, they also mention the existence of a tomb of Joseph at Nablus. Later Muslim chroniclers even mention a third site purporting to be the authentic tomb, near Beit Ijza.[31]

as did Benjamin of Tudela—who wrote that the Samaritans in Nablus were in possession of it.[79] William of Malmesbury describes it as overlaid with white marble, next to the mausolea of his brothers.[80] Menachem ben Peretz of Hebron (1215) writes that in Shechem he saw the tomb of Joseph son of Jacob with two marble pillars next to it—one at its head and another at its foot—and a low stone wall surrounding it. Ishtori Haparchi (1322) places the tombstone of Joseph 450 meters north of Balāta, while Alexander de Ariosti (1463) and Francesco Suriano (1485) associate it with the church over Jacob’s well. Samuel bar Simson (1210), Jacob of Paris (1258), and Johannes Poloner (1422) locate it by Nablus. Gabriel Muffel of Nuremberg discerns a tomb to Joseph in a monument to the west of Nablus, halfway between that city and Sebaste.[81] Mandeville (1322) and Maundrell (1697), among others, also mention its existence, although it is debatable as to whether any of these reports refer to the currently recognised location.[82] Samuel ben Samson (1210) appears to place the tomb at Shiloh.[83][84] Mandeville (1322) locates it 'nigh beside' Nablus as does Maundrell (1697), but the indications are vague. Maundrell describes his sepulchre as located in a small mosque just by Nablus, which does not fit the present location.[82]

There is here a spring called ‘Ain al Khudr. Yûsuf (Joseph) as Sadik –peace be on him!- was buried here, and his tomb is well known, lying under the tree.[78]

Around the year 1225, Yaqut al-Hamawi wrote:

There is also near Nâblus the spring of Al Khudr (Elias), and the field of Yûsuf as Sadik (Joseph); further, Joseph is buried at the foot of the tree at this place.’ [77]

In 1173 the Persian traveller al-Harawi paid homage at the tomb,[76] and wrote:

Crusader and medieval sources generally are, according to Hans-Martin Schenke, highly misleading regarding exactly where the tomb was situated. He concluded that in the Middle Ages, as earlier, various groups (Jews, Samaritans, Christians and Moslems) at different periods identified different things in different places all as Joseph’s tomb [75] Sometimes Balata, with its spring, seems indicated, as in the following two examples, which identify the tomb not as a structure, but as something by a spring and under a tree. It was evidently a site for Muslim pilgrimage at that time.[76]

Christian pilgrim and archdeacon Theodosius (518–520) in his De situ terrae sanctae mentions that 'close to Jacob's Well are the remains of Joseph the Holy'.[73] The Madaba Mosaic Map (6th century) designates a site somewhat problematically with the legend – 'Joseph's' (τὸ τοῦ Ὶωσήφ) – where the usual adjective 'holy' (hagios) accompanying mentions of saints and their shrines is lacking.[74]

Both Theodosius I and Theodosius II ordered a search for Joseph’s bones, much to the utter dismay of the Samaritan community.[68] An imperial commission was dispatched to retrieve the bones of the Patriarchs around 415 CE, and on failing to obtain them at Hebron, sought to at least secure Joseph’s bones from Shechem. No gravestone marked the exact site, possibly because the Samaritans had removed one to avoid Christian interference. The officials had to excavate the general area where graves abound and, on finding an intact marble sepulchre beneath an empty coffin, concluded that it must contain Joseph’s bones, and sent the sarcophagus to Byzantium, where it was incorporated into Hagia Sophia.[69][70] Jerome reports that apparently the Christians had intended to remove Joseph's bones to their city, but a column of fire rose skyward from the tomb scaring them away. The Samaritans subsequently covered the tomb with earth rendering it inaccessible.[71][72]


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