World Library  
Flag as Inappropriate
Email this Article

Thomas Macaulay

"Baron Macaulay" redirects here. For the British Labour politician, see Donald Macaulay, Baron Macaulay of Bragar.
For other people named Thomas Macaulay, see Thomas Macaulay (disambiguation).

The Right Honourable
The Lord Macaulay
Secretary at War
In office
27 September 1839 – 30 August 1841
Monarch Victoria
Prime Minister The Viscount Melbourne
Preceded by Viscount Howick
Succeeded by Sir Henry Hardinge
In office
7 July 1846 – 8 May 1848
Monarch Victoria
Prime Minister Lord John Russell
Preceded by Hon. Bingham Baring
Succeeded by The Earl Granville
Personal details
Born 25 October 1800 (1800-10-25)
Leicestershire, England
Died 28 December 1859(1859-12-28) (aged 59)
London, England
Nationality British
Political party Whig
Spouse(s) Unmarried
Alma mater Trinity College, Cambridge

Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1st Baron Macaulay, PC (25 October 1800 – 28 December 1859) was a British historian and Whig politician. He wrote extensively as an essayist and reviewer; his books on British history were hailed as literary masterpieces. He held political office as Secretary at War between 1839 and 1841 and Paymaster-General between 1846 and 1848. He played a major role in introducing English and western concepts to education in India. He supported the replacement of Persian by English as the official language, the use of English as the medium of instruction in all schools, and the training of English-speaking Indians as teachers. In his view, Macaulay divided the world into civilised nations and barbarism, with Britain representing the high point of civilisation. He was wedded to the "Idea of Progress, especially in terms of the liberal freedoms. He opposed radicalism while idealising historic British culture and traditions.[1]

Early life

Macaulay was the eldest child of Zachary Macaulay, a Scottish Highlander, who became a colonial governor and abolitionist and Selena Mills who was a former pupil of Hannah More.[2] Thomas Macaulay was born in Leicestershire, England, where he was noted as a child prodigy. As a toddler, gazing out of the window from his cot at the chimneys of a local factory, he is reputed to have asked his father whether the smoke came from the fires of hell.[3] He was educated at a private school in Hertfordshire and at Trinity College, Cambridge.[4] Whilst at Cambridge he wrote much poetry and won several prizes, including the Chancellor's Gold Medal in June 1821.[5] In 1825 he published a prominent essay on Milton in the Edinburgh Review. He studied law and in 1826 he was called to the bar but showed more interest in a political than a legal career.[6] It was once rumoured[7] that Macaulay had fallen for Maria Kinnaird, the wealthy ward of "Conversation" Sharp,(who was a hat-maker, banker, merchant, poet, critic, British politician) but in fact he never married and had no children. His strongest emotional ties were to his youngest sisters, Hannah and Margaret, who died while he was in India. As Hannah grew older, he formed the same close attachment to Hannah's daughter Margaret, whom he called "Baba".[8]

Macaulay retained a passionate interest in classical literature throughout his life, and prided himself on his knowledge of Greek literature. While in India, he read every ancient Greek and Roman work that was available to him. In his letters, he describes reading the Aeneid whilst on vacation in Malvern in 1851, and being moved to tears by the beauty of Homer's poetry. He also taught himself German, Dutch, and Spanish, and remained fluent in French.[9]

Political career

In 1830 the Marquess of Lansdowne invited Macaulay to become Member of Parliament for the pocket borough of Calne. His maiden speech was in favour of abolishing the civil disabilities of the Jews. However, Macaulay made his name with a series of speeches in favour of parliamentary reform.[5] After the Great Reform Act of 1832 was passed, he became MP for Leeds.[5] In the Reform, Calne's representation was reduced from two to one; Leeds had never been represented before, but now had two members. Though proud to have helped pass the Reform Bill, Macaulay never ceased to be grateful to his former patron, Lansdowne, who remained a great friend and political ally.


Macaulay was Secretary to the Board of Control under Lord Grey from 1832 until 1833. After the passing of the Government of India Act 1833, he was appointed as the first Law Member of the Governor-General's Council. He went to India in 1834, and served on the Supreme Council of India between 1834 and 1838. Later on he introduced English-medium education in India through his famous Minute on Indian Education of February 1835, which called for an educational system to create a class of anglicised Indians who would serve as cultural intermediaries between the British and the Indians, and brought to an end a lively debate on the appropriate language for education and administration.[10][11] Macaulay thereby succeeded in implementing ideas previously put forward by Lord William Bentinck, the governor-general from 1829, who, inspired by utilitarian ideas and calling for "useful learning," had favoured the replacement of Persian with English as the official language, the use of English as the medium of instruction, and the training of English-speaking Indians as teachers.[12] Macaulay convinced the Governor-General to adopt English as the medium of instruction in secondary education, from the sixth year of schooling onwards, rather than the Sanskrit or Persian then used in the institutions supported by the East India Company. Macaulay's argued that Sanskrit and Arabic were wholly inadequate for students studying history, science and technology. He argued, "We have to educate a people who cannot at present be educated by means of their mother-tongue. We must teach them some foreign language." The solution was to teach English.[13] His final years in India were devoted to the creation of a Penal Code, as the leading member of the Law Commission.

In the aftermath of the Indian Mutiny of 1857, Macaulay's criminal law proposal was enacted. The Indian Penal Code in 1860 was followed by the Criminal Procedure Code in 1872 and the Civil Procedure Code in 1909. The Indian Penal Code inspired counterparts in most other British colonies, and to date many of these laws are still in effect in places as far apart as Pakistan, Singapore, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nigeria and Zimbabwe, as well as in India itself.

The term "Macaulay's Children" is sometimes used to refer to people born of Indian ancestry who adopt Western culture as a lifestyle, or display attitudes influenced by colonisers ("Macaulayism")[14] – expressions used disparagingly, and with the implication of disloyalty to one's country and one's heritage.

Macaulay's Minute formed the basis for the reforms introduced in the English Education Act of 1835. In 1836, a school named La Martinière, founded by Major General Claude Martin, had one of its houses named after him.

In independent India, Macaulay's idea of the civilising mission has been used by Dalitists, in particular by neoliberalist Chandra Bhan Prasad, as a "creative appropriation for self-empowerment", based on the view that Dalit folk are empowered by Macaulay's deprecation of Hindu Civilization and an English education.[15]

Government minister

Returning to Britain in 1838, he became MP for Edinburgh. He was made Secretary at War in 1839 by Lord Melbourne and was sworn of the Privy Council the same year.[16] In 1841 Macaulay addressed the issue of copyright law. Macaulay's position, slightly modified, became the basis of copyright law in the English-speaking world for many decades.[17] Macaulay argued that copyright is a monopoly and as such has generally negative effects on society.[17] After the fall of Melbourne's government in 1841 Macaulay devoted more time to literary work, but returned to office as Paymaster-General in 1846 in Lord John Russell's administration.

In the election of 1847 he lost his seat in Edinburgh.[18] He attributed the loss to the anger of religious zealots over his speech in favour of expanding the annual government grant to Maynooth College in Ireland, which trained young men for the Catholic priesthood; some observers also attributed his loss to his neglect of local issues.[19] In 1849 he was elected Rector of the University of Glasgow, a position with no administrative duties, often awarded by the students to men of political or literary fame;[20] he also received the freedom of the city.[21] In 1852, the voters of Edinburgh offered to re-elect him to Parliament. He accepted on the express condition that he need not campaign and would not pledge himself to a position on any political issue. Remarkably, he was elected on those terms.[22] However, he seldom attended the House, due to ill health; indeed his weakness after suffering a heart attack caused him to postpone for several months making his speech of thanks to the Edinburgh voters. He resigned his seat in January 1856.[23] In 1857 he was raised to the peerage as Baron Macaulay, of Rothley in the County of Leicester,[24] but seldom attended the House of Lords.[23]

Literary works

As a young man he composed the ballads Ivry and The Armada,[25] which he later included as part of Lays of Ancient Rome, a series of very popular poems about heroic episodes in Roman history which he composed in India and published in 1842.[26] The most famous of them, Horatius, concerns the heroism of Horatius Cocles. It contains the oft-quoted lines:[27]

Then out spake brave Horatius,
The Captain of the Gate:
"To every man upon this earth
Death cometh soon or late.
And how can man die better
Than facing fearful odds,
For the ashes of his fathers,
And the temples of his gods?"

His essays, originally published in the Edinburgh Review, were collected as Critical and Historical Essays in 1843.[28]


During the 1840s, Macaulay began work on his most famous work, The History of England from the Accession of James the Second, publishing the first two volumes in 1848. At first, he had planned to bring his history down to the reign of George III. After publication of his first two volumes, his hope was to complete his work with the death of Queen Anne in 1714. The third and fourth volumes, bringing the history to the Peace of Ryswick, were published in 1855. However, at his death in 1859, he was working on the fifth volume. This, bringing the History down to the death of William III, was prepared for publication by his sister, Lady Trevelyan, after his death.[29]

Political writing

Macaulay's political writings are famous for their ringing prose and for their confident, sometimes dogmatic, emphasis on a progressive model of British history, according to which the country threw off superstition, autocracy and confusion to create a balanced constitution and a forward-looking culture combined with freedom of belief and expression. This model of human progress has been called the Whig interpretation of history. This philosophy appears most clearly in the essays Macaulay wrote for the Edinburgh Review and other publications, which were collected in book form and a steady best-seller throughout the 19th century. But it is also reflected in History; the most stirring passages in the work are those that describe the "Glorious Revolution" of 1688.

Macaulay's approach has been criticised by later historians for its one-sidedness and its complacency. Karl Marx referred to him as a 'systematic falsifier of history'.[30] His tendency to see history as a drama led him to treat figures whose views he opposed as if they were villains, while characters he approved of were presented as heroes. Macaulay goes to considerable length, for example, to absolve his main hero William III of any responsibility for the Glencoe massacre. Winston Churchill devoted a four volume biography of the Duke of Marlborough to rebutting Macaulay's slights of his ancestor, expressing hope 'to fasten the label "Liar" to his genteel coat-tails.'[31] On the other hand, this outlook, together with his obvious love of his subject matter and of English civilisation, helps to place the reader within the age being described in a personal way that no cold neutrality could, and Macaulay's History is generally recognised as one of the masterpieces of historical writing and a magisterial literary triumph only comparable as such to Gibbon and Michelet.

Later life

Macaulay sat on the committee to decide on the historical subjects to be painted in the new Palace of Westminster.[32] The need to collect reliable portraits of notable figures from history for this project led to the foundation of the National Portrait Gallery, which was formally established on 2 December 1856.[33] Macaulay was amongst its founding trustees and is honoured with one of only three busts above the main entrance.

During his later years his health made work increasingly difficult for him. He died of a heart attack on 28 December 1859, aged 59, leaving his major work, The History of England from the Accession of James the Second incomplete.[34] On 9 January 1860 he was buried in Westminster Abbey, in Poets' Corner, near a statue of Addison.[5] As he had no children, his peerage became extinct on his death.

Macaulay's nephew, Sir George Trevelyan, Bt, wrote a best-selling "Life and Letters" of his famous uncle, which is still the best complete life of Macaulay. His great-nephew was the Cambridge historian G. M. Trevelyan.

Macaulay likely had an eidetic memory.[35]

Legacy as a historian

The Liberal historian Lord Acton read Macaulay's History of England four times and later described himself as "a raw English schoolboy, primed to the brim with Whig politics" but "not Whiggism only, but Macaulay in particular that I was so full of." However after coming under German influence Acton would later find fault in Macaulay.[36] In 1880 Acton classed Macaulay (with Burke and Gladstone) as one "of the three greatest Liberals".[37] In 1883 he advised Mary Gladstone "that the Essays are really flashy and superficial. He was not above par in literary criticism; his Indian articles will not hold water; and his two most famous reviews, on Bacon and Ranke, show his incompetence. The essays are only pleasant reading, and a key to half the prejudices of our age. It is the History (with one or two speeches) that is wonderful. He knew nothing respectably before the seventeenth century, he knew nothing of foreign history, of religion, philosophy, science, or art. His account of debates has been thrown into the shade by Ranke, his account of diplomatic affairs, by Klopp. He is, I am persuaded, grossly, basely unfair. Read him therefore to find out how it comes that the most unsympathetic of critics can think him very nearly the greatest of English writers".[38] In 1885 Acton asserted that: "We must never judge the quality of a teaching by the quality of the Teacher, or allow the spots to shut out the sun. It would be unjust, and it would deprive us of nearly all that is great and good in this world. Let me remind you of Macaulay. He remains to me one of the greatest of all writers and masters, although I think him utterly base, contemptible and odious for certain reasons which you know."[39] In 1888 he wrote that Macaulay "had done more than any writer in the literature of the world for the propagation of the Liberal faith, and he was not only the greatest, but the most representative, Englishman then [1856] living".[40]

Herbert Butterfield's The Whig Interpretation of History (1931) attacked Whig history. The Dutch historian Pieter Geyl, writing in 1955, considered Macaulay's Essays as "exclusively and intolerantly English".[41]

On 7 February 1954 Lord Moran, doctor to the Prime Minister, Sir Winston Churchill, recorded in his diary: "Randolph, who is writing a life of the late Lord Derby for Longman's, brought to luncheon a young man of that name. His talk interested the P.M. ... Macaulay, Longman went on, was not read now; there was no demand for his books. The P.M. grunted that he was very sorry to hear this. Macaulay had been a great influence in his young days".[42]

George Richard Potter, Professor and Head of the Department of History at the University of Sheffield from 1931 to 1965, claimed "In an age of long letters...Macaulay's hold their own with the best".[43] However Potter also claimed: "For all his linguistic abilities he seems never to have tried to enter into sympathetic mental contact with the classical world or with the Europe of his day. It was an insularity that was impregnable...If his outlook was insular, however, it was surely British rather than English".[44] He said this about Macaulay's determination to inspect physically the places mentioned in his History: "Much of the success of the famous third chapter of the History which may be said to have introduced the study of social history, and even...local history, was due to the intense local knowledge acquired on the spot. As a result it is a superb, living picture of Great Britain in the latter half of the seventeenth century...No description of the relief of Londonderry in a major history of England existed before 1850; after his visit there and the narrative written round it no other account has been needed...Scotland came fully into its own and from then until now it has been a commonplace that English history is incomprehensible without Scotland."[45] Potter noted that Macaulay has had many critics, some of whom put forward some salient points about the deficiency of Macaulay's History but added: "The severity and the minuteness of the criticism to which the History of England has been subjected is a measure of its permanent value. It is worth very ounce of powder and shot that is fired again it." Potter concluded that "in the long roll of English historical writing from Clarendon to Trevelyan only Gibbon has surpassed him in security of reputation and certainty of immortality".[46]

In 1972 J. R. Western wrote that: "Despite its age and blemishes, Macaulay's History of England has still to be superseded by a full-scale modern history of the period."[47] In 1974 J. P. Kenyon stated that: "As is often the case, Macaulay had it exactly right."[48]

W. A. Speck wrote in 1980 that a reason Macaulay's History of England "still commands respect is that it was based upon a prodigious amount of research".[49] Speck claims that "Macaulay's reputation as an historian has never fully recovered from the condemnation it implicitly received in Herbert Butterfield's devastating attack on The Whig Interpretation of History. Though he was never cited by name, there can be no doubt that Macaulay answers to the charges brought against Whig historians, particularly that they study the past with reference to the present, class people in the past as those who furthered progress and those who hindered it, and judge them accordingly".[50] Speck also said that Macaulay too often "denies the past has its own validity, treating it as being merely a prelude to his own age. This is especially noticeable in the third chapter of his History of England, when again and again he contrasts the backwardness of 1685 with the advances achieved by 1848. Not only does this misuse the past, it also leads him to exaggerate the differences".[50] On the other hand, Speck also wrote that Macaulay "took pains to present the virtues even of a rogue, and he painted the virtuous warts and all",[51] and that "he was never guilty of suppressing or distorting evidence to make it support a proposition which he knew to be untrue".[52] Speck concluded: "What is in fact striking is the extent to which his History of England at least has survived subsequent research. Although it is often dismissed as inaccurate, it is hard to pinpoint a passage where he is categorically in error...his account of events has stood up remarkably well...His interpretation of the Glorious Revolution also remains the essential starting point for any discussion of that episode...What has not survived, or has become subdued, is Macaulay's confident belief in progress. It was a dominant creed in the era of the Great Exhibition. But Auschwitz and Hiroshima destroyed this century's claim to moral superiority over its predecessors, while the exhaustion of natural resources raises serious doubts about the continuation even of material progress into the next."[52]

In 1981 J. W. Burrow argued that Macaulay's History of England: not simply partisan; a judgement, like that of Firth, that Macaulay was always the Whig politician could hardly be more inapposite. Of course Macaulay thought that the Whigs of the seventeenth century were correct in their fundamental ideas, but the hero of the History was William, who, as Macaulay says, was certainly no Whig...If this was Whiggism it was so only, by the mid-nineteenth century, in the most extended and inclusive sense, requiring only an acceptance of parliamentary government and a sense of gravity of precedent. Butterfield says, rightly, that in the nineteenth century the Whig view of history became the English view. The chief agent of that transformation was surely Macaulay, aided, of course, by the receding relevance of seventeenth-century conflicts to contemporary politics, as the power of the crown waned further, and the civil disabilities of Catholics and Dissenters were removed by legislation. The History is much more than the vindication of a party; it is an attempt to insinuate a view of politics, pragmatic, reverent, essentially Burkean, informed by a high, even tumid sense of the worth of public life, yet fully conscious of its interrelations with the wider progress of society; it embodies what Hallam had merely asserted, a sense of the privileged possession by Englishmen of their history, as well as of the epic dignity of government by discussion. If this was sectarian it was hardly, in any useful contemporary sense, polemically Whig; it is more like the sectarianism of English respectability.[53]

In 1982 Gertrude Himmelfarb wrote that "most professional historians have long since given up reading Macaulay, as they have given up writing the kind of history he wrote and thinking about history as he did. Yet there was a time when anyone with any pretension to cultivation read Macaulay."[54] Himmelfarb also laments that "the history of the History is a sad testimonial to the cultural regression of our times".[55]

More recently, Ronald Hamowy, the libertarian historian, has argued for the pre-eminence of Macaulay as a British classical liberal.[56]


  • Project Gutenberg
    • Internet Archive
    • [5]
    • Critical and Historical Essays, 2 vols., edited by Alexander James Grieve. [7]
    • The Miscellaneous Writings and Speeches of Lord Macaulay, 4 vols. [11]
    • Niccolò Machiavelli
    • The Letters of Thomas Babington Macaulay, 6 vols., edited by Thomas Pinney.
  • Macaulay index entry at Poets' Corner
    • Lays of Ancient Rome (Complete) at Poets' Corner with an introduction by Bob Blair
  • LibriVox


See also

  • Whig history further explains the interpretation of history that Macaulay espoused.


References and bibliography

  • Arthur Bryant, Macaulay (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1979). ISBN 0-297-77550-2 [Facsimile reprint of London, P. Davies, 1932], old, popular biography
  • John Leonard Clive, Thomas Babington Macaulay: The Shaping of the Historian (London: Secker and Warburg, 1973). ISBN 0-436-10220-X
  • Margaret Cruikshank, Thomas Babington Macaulay (Boston: Twayne, 1978). ISBN 0-8057-6686-3
  • Owen Dudley Edwards, Macaulay (London: Weidenfeld and Nicholson, 1988).
  • Catherine Hall. "Macaulay's Nation", Victorian Studies Volume 51, Number 3, Spring 2009 10.1353/vic.0.0237
  • Robert E. Sullivan, Macaulay: The Tragedy of Power (Belknap Press [Harvard University Press], 2010). ISBN 978-0-674-03624-6
  • Sérgio Campos Gonçalves, ‘ISBN 9788522508334.
  • Zareer Masani, Macaulay: Britain's Liberal Imperialist, (London: Bodley Head, 2013)
  • online vol 1

External links

  • Columbia University
  • Hansard 1803–2005: contributions in Parliament by
  • WorldCat catalog)
  • Lord Macaulay's Habit of Exaggeration,
  • The Hindu, 4 February 2007
  • Find a Grave
  • Find a Grave (memorial statue, antechapel, Trinity College, Cambridge, UK)
  • DMOZ
Parliament of the United Kingdom
Preceded by
Hon. James Abercromby
Sir James Macdonald, Bt
Member of Parliament for Calne
With: Sir James Macdonald, Bt to 1831
Charles Richard Fox 1831–1832
Succeeded by
The Earl of Kerry
New constituency Member of Parliament for Leeds
With: John Marshall
Succeeded by
John Marshall
Edward Baines
Preceded by
Sir John Campbell
Hon. James Abercromby
Member of Parliament for Edinburgh
With: Sir John Campbell to 1841
William Gibson-Craig from 1841
Succeeded by
Charles Cowan
William Gibson-Craig
Preceded by
Charles Cowan
William Gibson-Craig
Member of Parliament for Edinburgh
With: Charles Cowan
Succeeded by
Charles Cowan
Adam Black
Political offices
Preceded by
Thomas Hyde Villiers
Secretary to the Board of Control
Succeeded by
Thomas Gordon
Preceded by
Viscount Howick
Secretary at War
Succeeded by
Sir Henry Hardinge
Preceded by
Hon. Bingham Baring
Succeeded by
The Earl Granville
Academic offices
Preceded by
William Mure
Rector of the University of Glasgow
Succeeded by
Sir Archibald Alison, Bt
Peerage of the United Kingdom
New creation Baron Macaulay

This article was sourced from Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License; additional terms may apply. World Heritage Encyclopedia content is assembled from numerous content providers, Open Access Publishing, and in compliance with The Fair Access to Science and Technology Research Act (FASTR), Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., Public Library of Science, The Encyclopedia of Life, Open Book Publishers (OBP), PubMed, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Center for Biotechnology Information, U.S. National Library of Medicine, National Institutes of Health (NIH), U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, and, which sources content from all federal, state, local, tribal, and territorial government publication portals (.gov, .mil, .edu). Funding for and content contributors is made possible from the U.S. Congress, E-Government Act of 2002.
Crowd sourced content that is contributed to World Heritage Encyclopedia is peer reviewed and edited by our editorial staff to ensure quality scholarly research articles.
By using this site, you agree to the Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. World Heritage Encyclopedia™ is a registered trademark of the World Public Library Association, a non-profit organization.

Copyright © World Library Foundation. All rights reserved. eBooks from Project Gutenberg are sponsored by the World Library Foundation,
a 501c(4) Member's Support Non-Profit Organization, and is NOT affiliated with any governmental agency or department.